—Ancient:
(see image) Cross-Sectional View of Jerusalem (West to East) as Seen from the South.(After Heyck, "Die Kreuzzüge.")
Capital at first of all Israel, later of the kingdom of Judah; chief city of Palestine; situated in 31° 46′ 45″ N. lat. and 35° 13′ 25″ E. long., upon the southern spur of a plateau the eastern side of which slopes from 2,460 ft. above sea-level north of the Temple area to 2,130 ft. at the southeastern extremity. The western hill is about 2,500 ft. high and slopes southeast from the Judean plateau. Jerusalem is surrounded upon all sides by valleys, of which those on the north are less pronounced than those on the other three sides. The principal two valleys start northwest of the present city. The first runs eastward with a slight southerly bend (the present Wadi al-Joz), then, deflecting directly south (formerly known as "Kidron Valley," the modern Wadi Sitti Maryam), divides the Mount of Olives from the city. The second runs directly south on the western side of the city, turns eastward at its southeastern extremity, then runs directly east, and joins the first valley near Bir Ayyub ("Job's Well"). It was called in olden times the "Valley of Hinnom," and is the modern Wadi al-Rababi, which is not to be identified with the first-mentioned valley, as Sir Charles Warren (in his "Recovery of Jerusalem," p. 290, and in Hastings,"Dict. Bible," s.v.) has done. Easy access to Jerusalem could be had only on the north and northwest. In olden times there were other valleys which divided up this complex; but these are now filled in by the accumulated rubbish of centuries. A third valley, commencing in the northwest where is now the Damascus Gate, ran south-southeasterly down to the Pool of Siloam, and divided the lower part into two hills (the lower and the upper cities of Josephus). This is probably the later Tyropœon ("Cheese-makers'") Valley, though it should be mentioned that W. R. Smith, Sayce, Birch, and Schwartz identify the Tyropœon with the Valley of Hinnom (Cheyne and Black, "Encyc. Bib.]." ii. 2423; Hastings, "Dict. Bible," ii. 387). A fourth valley led from the western hill (near the present Jaffa Gate) over to the Temple area: it is represented in modern Jerusalem by David street. A fifth cut the eastern hill into a northern and a southern part. Later Jerusalem was thus built upon four spurs (see frontispiece map of physical features of Jerusalem).
Jerusalem
Monday, December 3, 2001
In the El-Amarna Tablets
In the El-Amarna Tablets.
The earliest historical notices respecting Jerusalem come from the El-Amarna tablets. Before the fifteenth century B.C. Babylonian influences must have been present. There was a city called "Bit-Ninib" (Temple of the God Ninib) in the "district of Jerusalem "(Letter 180, 25). In the fifteenth century Amenophis III. had extended Egyptian rule so as to include Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Assyria. This empire, however, became disrupted through its own weight. The individual districts in Palestine and Syria had been first under native princes ("amelu") with an Egyptian resident ("rabiz"), and then under a "Hazzanu," who was in reality a viceroy of the Pharaoh. Jerusalem was the chief seat of one of the districts, in consequence of which it may at one time have changed its name ("the king has placed his name upon Jerusalem," Letter 180, 60). The four El-Amarna letters from Jerusalem were written by itsHazzanu, one Abdi Heba. The whole district was sorely pressed by the Habiri. The chief conspirators against him were Milki-il, his father-in-law Tagi, Shuardatu, the Banu Lapaya, the Banu Arzawa, and Adaya, a military chief; they prevented him from personally reporting to his sovereign, upon whom he impressed the fact that if reenforcements were not sent, the whole "land of the King" would be lost. He protested his loyalty, and mentioned the presents he had sent to the king by the latter's officer Shuta. How long the conspiracy had lasted is not known. Before that, an Egyptian special officer (rabiz) had been sent to Jerusalem.
(see image) One of the El-Amarna Tablets Mentioning Abdi Heba of Jerusalem.(From Ball, "Light from the East.")
The Kash (?) had also entered Abdi Heba's dominions; and one city had gone over to the Kilti. From another of the El-Amarna letters (182, 5) it appears that Jerusalem itself was in the hands of rebels, and that Egyptian troops which had been sent under Haya had been detained in Gaza. It was evidently a period of general anarchy, due to the break-up of the Egyptian power.
Jerusalem
The earliest historical notices respecting Jerusalem come from the El-Amarna tablets. Before the fifteenth century B.C. Babylonian influences must have been present. There was a city called "Bit-Ninib" (Temple of the God Ninib) in the "district of Jerusalem "(Letter 180, 25). In the fifteenth century Amenophis III. had extended Egyptian rule so as to include Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, and Assyria. This empire, however, became disrupted through its own weight. The individual districts in Palestine and Syria had been first under native princes ("amelu") with an Egyptian resident ("rabiz"), and then under a "Hazzanu," who was in reality a viceroy of the Pharaoh. Jerusalem was the chief seat of one of the districts, in consequence of which it may at one time have changed its name ("the king has placed his name upon Jerusalem," Letter 180, 60). The four El-Amarna letters from Jerusalem were written by itsHazzanu, one Abdi Heba. The whole district was sorely pressed by the Habiri. The chief conspirators against him were Milki-il, his father-in-law Tagi, Shuardatu, the Banu Lapaya, the Banu Arzawa, and Adaya, a military chief; they prevented him from personally reporting to his sovereign, upon whom he impressed the fact that if reenforcements were not sent, the whole "land of the King" would be lost. He protested his loyalty, and mentioned the presents he had sent to the king by the latter's officer Shuta. How long the conspiracy had lasted is not known. Before that, an Egyptian special officer (rabiz) had been sent to Jerusalem.
(see image) One of the El-Amarna Tablets Mentioning Abdi Heba of Jerusalem.(From Ball, "Light from the East.")
The Kash (?) had also entered Abdi Heba's dominions; and one city had gone over to the Kilti. From another of the El-Amarna letters (182, 5) it appears that Jerusalem itself was in the hands of rebels, and that Egyptian troops which had been sent under Haya had been detained in Gaza. It was evidently a period of general anarchy, due to the break-up of the Egyptian power.
Jerusalem
The Name
The Name.
The name "Jerusalem" is written in the Old Testament and upon most of the old Hebrew coins defectively , though punctuated "Yerushalayim" as a "kere perpetuum" (with the exception of five places where the "yod" is added; Frensdorff, "Massora Magna," p. 293). The Aramaic form, "Yerushlem" (Ezra iv. 8, 20, 24, 51), the Syriac "Urishlem," the Septuagint transcription 'Ιερουσαλημ, the Assyrian "Urusalim" (El-Amarna tablets) and "Ursalimu" (Sennacherib), point to an original pronunciation "Yerushalem"; the ending "-ayim" either being due to a diphthongization or representing a dual formation (König, "Lehrgebäude," ii. pt. 1, p. 437). A shortened form is perhaps to be found in "Shalem" (Gen. xiv. 18; Ps. lxxvi. 3; comp. Josephus, "Ant." i. 10, § 2), known also to the Arabs ("Shallam," in Yakut, "Geographisches Wörterb." iii. 315). Several etymologies for the word have been suggested; e.g., = "possession of peace" or "of Salem"; "foundation of peace" or "of Shalem [God of peace]"; according to the Midrash it is made up of "Shalem," the name given to the city by Shem, and "Yir'eh," that given to it by Abraham (Gen. R. lvi. 10; Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxvi. 3). A more plausible derivation makes it the equivalent of "Uru-shalim" (="City of [the god] Shalim"; comp. the Assyrian god Shalman or Shulman, the Phenician [Greek Σαλαμαν], and the Egyptian Sharamana [Zimmern, in "K. A. T." 3d ed., pp. 224, 475; Praetorius, in "Z. D. M. G." lvii. p. 782), "Uri" having become "Yeru" by metathesis (see Haupt in "Isaiah," in "S. B. O. T." Eng. transl., p. 100). In the Greek period the name was Hellenized into Ιεροσόλνμα (Sibyllines, x. 103, New Testament, Josephus, Philo, and the classical writers). Following the New Testament, the Vulgate has both "Hierusalem" and "Hierosolyma" (or "Ierusalem," "Ierosolyma"). Philo uses the name Ιερόπολις (ed. Mangey, ii. 524). Under Hadrian (135) the city was renamed "Ælia Capitolina," from which Ptolemy took his Καπιτολιας. The Arabs at times preserved the ancient forms "Urishalam," "Urishallam," "Uraslam" (Yakut, l.c. i. 402), or "Iliya" (ib. 423), or more commonly "Bait al-Makdis" or "al-Mukaddas" (ib. iv. 590); in modern parlance, "Al-kuds al-Sharif" or simply "Al-kuds" = "the Sanctuary."
(see image) Sketch Showing Topographical Features of Jerusalem.(After Fulton, "The Beautiful Land.")
Jerusalem
The name "Jerusalem" is written in the Old Testament and upon most of the old Hebrew coins defectively , though punctuated "Yerushalayim" as a "kere perpetuum" (with the exception of five places where the "yod" is added; Frensdorff, "Massora Magna," p. 293). The Aramaic form, "Yerushlem" (Ezra iv. 8, 20, 24, 51), the Syriac "Urishlem," the Septuagint transcription 'Ιερουσαλημ, the Assyrian "Urusalim" (El-Amarna tablets) and "Ursalimu" (Sennacherib), point to an original pronunciation "Yerushalem"; the ending "-ayim" either being due to a diphthongization or representing a dual formation (König, "Lehrgebäude," ii. pt. 1, p. 437). A shortened form is perhaps to be found in "Shalem" (Gen. xiv. 18; Ps. lxxvi. 3; comp. Josephus, "Ant." i. 10, § 2), known also to the Arabs ("Shallam," in Yakut, "Geographisches Wörterb." iii. 315). Several etymologies for the word have been suggested; e.g., = "possession of peace" or "of Salem"; "foundation of peace" or "of Shalem [God of peace]"; according to the Midrash it is made up of "Shalem," the name given to the city by Shem, and "Yir'eh," that given to it by Abraham (Gen. R. lvi. 10; Midr. Teh. to Ps. lxxvi. 3). A more plausible derivation makes it the equivalent of "Uru-shalim" (="City of [the god] Shalim"; comp. the Assyrian god Shalman or Shulman, the Phenician [Greek Σαλαμαν], and the Egyptian Sharamana [Zimmern, in "K. A. T." 3d ed., pp. 224, 475; Praetorius, in "Z. D. M. G." lvii. p. 782), "Uri" having become "Yeru" by metathesis (see Haupt in "Isaiah," in "S. B. O. T." Eng. transl., p. 100). In the Greek period the name was Hellenized into Ιεροσόλνμα (Sibyllines, x. 103, New Testament, Josephus, Philo, and the classical writers). Following the New Testament, the Vulgate has both "Hierusalem" and "Hierosolyma" (or "Ierusalem," "Ierosolyma"). Philo uses the name Ιερόπολις (ed. Mangey, ii. 524). Under Hadrian (135) the city was renamed "Ælia Capitolina," from which Ptolemy took his Καπιτολιας. The Arabs at times preserved the ancient forms "Urishalam," "Urishallam," "Uraslam" (Yakut, l.c. i. 402), or "Iliya" (ib. 423), or more commonly "Bait al-Makdis" or "al-Mukaddas" (ib. iv. 590); in modern parlance, "Al-kuds al-Sharif" or simply "Al-kuds" = "the Sanctuary."
(see image) Sketch Showing Topographical Features of Jerusalem.(After Fulton, "The Beautiful Land.")
Jerusalem
Resists the Israelites
Resists the Israelites.
In Hebrew annals Jerusalem is first mentioned in connection with Melchizedek, King of Salem (Gen. xiv. 18), then with the incursions of the Israelites after the taking of Ai. It was one of the five cities of the Amorites, who seem to have succeeded to the Egyptian power in southern Palestine. Each of these cities had its prince ("melek"), that of Jerusalem being Adoni-zedek, who took the lead against the city of Gibeon (Josh. x. 1 et seq.). All the princes were taken, slain, and hanged at Makkedah (see, also, the list, ib. xii. 10). The relation of the inhabitants of Jerusalem to the Jebusites can not now be determined. They may themselves have been Jebusites; at least, the latter were not completely driven out at the time (ib. xv. 63). In fact, Jerusalem is expressly called a "foreign city," not belonging to the Israelites (Judges xix. 12); and the Jebusites are said to have lived there for very many years together with the Benjamites (ib. i. 21; according to Josh. xv. 63, "with the children of Judah"), in whose territory the city lay. At one time the city seems to have been called "Jebus" (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 28; Judges xix. 10). It was at Jerusalem that Adoni-bezek died (Judges i. 7). Finally the Judahites took the place, burned it, and killed its inhabitants. It must have been soon rebuilt; for in the early history of David (I Sam. xvii. 54) it is again called by its old name, "Jerusalem." Perhaps only the "lower city" had been taken (Josephus, "Ant." v. 2, § 2)—just as in Maccabean times the Acra or citadel was held for twenty-six years by the Syrian garrison—which would explain the apparent contradiction between verses 8 and 21 of Judges i. (Moore, "Judges," p. 21). The name "Zion" seems already to have been attached to a portion of the city; at least the "Mezudat ziyyon" is mentioned (II Sam. v. 7; I Chron. xi. 5). But the place was renamed by David "'Ir Dawid" (= "City of David"), in the same manner as Assyrian rulers were wont to give their names to captured cities. Though dignified by the name "'Ir," the town need not necessarily have been large. In addition to the fortress, it must have contained some place of worship, besides houses for the people and the soldiers. What the "zinnor" (II Sam. v. 8) was is not known. The word is usually rendered "watercourse" (LXX. παραξιφις (?); Aquila, κρουνισμος = "stream"; Symmachus, ἐπαλξις = "battlement," "parapet"; according to later Hebrew usage, "canal," "aqueduct").
Jerusalem
In Hebrew annals Jerusalem is first mentioned in connection with Melchizedek, King of Salem (Gen. xiv. 18), then with the incursions of the Israelites after the taking of Ai. It was one of the five cities of the Amorites, who seem to have succeeded to the Egyptian power in southern Palestine. Each of these cities had its prince ("melek"), that of Jerusalem being Adoni-zedek, who took the lead against the city of Gibeon (Josh. x. 1 et seq.). All the princes were taken, slain, and hanged at Makkedah (see, also, the list, ib. xii. 10). The relation of the inhabitants of Jerusalem to the Jebusites can not now be determined. They may themselves have been Jebusites; at least, the latter were not completely driven out at the time (ib. xv. 63). In fact, Jerusalem is expressly called a "foreign city," not belonging to the Israelites (Judges xix. 12); and the Jebusites are said to have lived there for very many years together with the Benjamites (ib. i. 21; according to Josh. xv. 63, "with the children of Judah"), in whose territory the city lay. At one time the city seems to have been called "Jebus" (Josh. xv. 8, xviii. 28; Judges xix. 10). It was at Jerusalem that Adoni-bezek died (Judges i. 7). Finally the Judahites took the place, burned it, and killed its inhabitants. It must have been soon rebuilt; for in the early history of David (I Sam. xvii. 54) it is again called by its old name, "Jerusalem." Perhaps only the "lower city" had been taken (Josephus, "Ant." v. 2, § 2)—just as in Maccabean times the Acra or citadel was held for twenty-six years by the Syrian garrison—which would explain the apparent contradiction between verses 8 and 21 of Judges i. (Moore, "Judges," p. 21). The name "Zion" seems already to have been attached to a portion of the city; at least the "Mezudat ziyyon" is mentioned (II Sam. v. 7; I Chron. xi. 5). But the place was renamed by David "'Ir Dawid" (= "City of David"), in the same manner as Assyrian rulers were wont to give their names to captured cities. Though dignified by the name "'Ir," the town need not necessarily have been large. In addition to the fortress, it must have contained some place of worship, besides houses for the people and the soldiers. What the "zinnor" (II Sam. v. 8) was is not known. The word is usually rendered "watercourse" (LXX. παραξιφις (?); Aquila, κρουνισμος = "stream"; Symmachus, ἐπαλξις = "battlement," "parapet"; according to later Hebrew usage, "canal," "aqueduct").
Jerusalem
Situation of Zion
Situation of Zion.
The exact situation of these early settlements has always been a matter of dispute. The author of I Macc. iv. 37 says expressly that the Temple was built upon Mt. Zion; and the presence of St. Mary's Well and the Siloam Pool seems to show that the natural position of the ancient fortress was upon the edge of the southeastern hill, where, as the excavations of Guthe and Bliss have shown, the level of the ground was much higher than at present. It is true that later tradition, both Jewish and Christian, agrees in placing Zion upon the southwestern hill; but even the latest attempts of Karl Rückert ("Die Lage des Berges Sion," Freiburg, 1898), Georg Gatt ("Sion in Jerusalem," Brixen, 1900, and "Zur Topographie Jerusalems," in "Z. D. P. V." xxv. 178), and C. Mommert ("Topographie des Alten Jerusalems," Leipsic, 1902) have not been successful in harmonizing this theory with the Biblical data. The theory is based chiefly upon (1) the direction of the old north wall, ending at the Haram, as described by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4, § 2), and south of which Zion must (?) have stood, and (2) the place of David's burial, which, according to tradition, is usually placed on the southwestern hill (see "Z. A. P. V." xxiv. 180-185).
There were only two natural water sources near Jerusalem, En-rogel and Gihon, respectively east and southeast of the city. The first (II Sam. xvii. 17; I Kings i. 9) has generally been identified withSt. Mary's, or the Virgin's, Spring, largely because the flight of steps running from the spring to Silwan is to-day called "ZaHwayleh," i.e., "Zoheleth" (I Kings l.c.). But the distance is too great; and the application of the term to these particular steps is not certain. En-rogel, according to tradition ("Ant." vii. 14, § 4), was in the king's garden; and Mitchell's identification of it with the Bir Ayyub is worthy of acceptance ("Jour. Bib. Lit." xxii. 108). The well Gihon (I Kings i. 33, 35, 38; II Chron. xxxii. 30, xxxiii. 14) is the so-called "Virgin's Spring." In addition, there were several pools: the "old pool" (Isa. xxii. 11), now called the Patriarch's Pool, northwest of the city; the "lower pool" (Isa. xxii. 9), now known as the Birkat al-Hamra; and the "upper pool" (ib. vii. 3, xxxvi. 2; II Kings xviii. 17), probably the Mamilla Pool, west of the Jaffa Gate, which fed the "old pool." In regard to the "Serpents' Pool," see below.
Jerusalem
The exact situation of these early settlements has always been a matter of dispute. The author of I Macc. iv. 37 says expressly that the Temple was built upon Mt. Zion; and the presence of St. Mary's Well and the Siloam Pool seems to show that the natural position of the ancient fortress was upon the edge of the southeastern hill, where, as the excavations of Guthe and Bliss have shown, the level of the ground was much higher than at present. It is true that later tradition, both Jewish and Christian, agrees in placing Zion upon the southwestern hill; but even the latest attempts of Karl Rückert ("Die Lage des Berges Sion," Freiburg, 1898), Georg Gatt ("Sion in Jerusalem," Brixen, 1900, and "Zur Topographie Jerusalems," in "Z. D. P. V." xxv. 178), and C. Mommert ("Topographie des Alten Jerusalems," Leipsic, 1902) have not been successful in harmonizing this theory with the Biblical data. The theory is based chiefly upon (1) the direction of the old north wall, ending at the Haram, as described by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4, § 2), and south of which Zion must (?) have stood, and (2) the place of David's burial, which, according to tradition, is usually placed on the southwestern hill (see "Z. A. P. V." xxiv. 180-185).
There were only two natural water sources near Jerusalem, En-rogel and Gihon, respectively east and southeast of the city. The first (II Sam. xvii. 17; I Kings i. 9) has generally been identified withSt. Mary's, or the Virgin's, Spring, largely because the flight of steps running from the spring to Silwan is to-day called "ZaHwayleh," i.e., "Zoheleth" (I Kings l.c.). But the distance is too great; and the application of the term to these particular steps is not certain. En-rogel, according to tradition ("Ant." vii. 14, § 4), was in the king's garden; and Mitchell's identification of it with the Bir Ayyub is worthy of acceptance ("Jour. Bib. Lit." xxii. 108). The well Gihon (I Kings i. 33, 35, 38; II Chron. xxxii. 30, xxxiii. 14) is the so-called "Virgin's Spring." In addition, there were several pools: the "old pool" (Isa. xxii. 11), now called the Patriarch's Pool, northwest of the city; the "lower pool" (Isa. xxii. 9), now known as the Birkat al-Hamra; and the "upper pool" (ib. vii. 3, xxxvi. 2; II Kings xviii. 17), probably the Mamilla Pool, west of the Jaffa Gate, which fed the "old pool." In regard to the "Serpents' Pool," see below.
Jerusalem
City of David
City of David.
The city at this epoch may have extended to the southwestern hill; but it is not clear what enlargements were due to David. In II Sam. v. 9 it is said that he built "round about from Millo and inward." The Millo, however, was built by Solomon (I Kings ix. 15, 24); and the reference at the time of David may be to the place where in later times the Millo was. Whether the latter was part of the wall or a citadel (LXX. ή ăκρα) is not known. It was, however, part of the defense of the city, and is mentioned in connection with the walls (ib.). It was strengthened by Hezekiah upon the approach of Sennacherib (II Chron. xxxii. 5); and may have been an artificial terrace (comp. the Assyrian "Mulu" and "Tamlu").
A palace of stone and of cedar-wood from Lebanon was built for David by Tyrian workmen (II Sam. v. 11, vii. 2). It must have stood somewhere between the Temple and the Siloam Pool, from the latter of which steps led up to the city of David (Neh. iii. 15). Some sort of tabernacle must also have been erected for him, (, II Sam. vi. 17; , ib. vii. 2); for he brought the Ark from the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, first to the house of Obed-edom, and then to the city of David (ib. vi. 3, 11). It was here that he deposited the gold and the silver that he had taken from the Aramean princes and from the Moabites and Ammonites, whom he had subdued (ib. viii. 11 et seq.). The plague that appeared in the land toward the end of David's reign does not seem to have touched Jerusalem. It was supposed to have been stayed mysteriously at a threshing-floor on Mt. Moriah, north of the city of David, belonging to one Araunah or Aranyah, which place was then bought by David, who erected an altar there (II Sam. xxiv. 14 et seq.; I Chron. xxi. 15 et seq.). David was buried "in the city of David" (I Kings ii. 10). The site of the tomb is unknown; but it was situated probably in the rocks of the southeastern hill ("Z. D. P. V." iii. 210, v. 330). It is mentioned in Neh. iii. 16 as being near to the steps (see above)
Jerusalem
The city at this epoch may have extended to the southwestern hill; but it is not clear what enlargements were due to David. In II Sam. v. 9 it is said that he built "round about from Millo and inward." The Millo, however, was built by Solomon (I Kings ix. 15, 24); and the reference at the time of David may be to the place where in later times the Millo was. Whether the latter was part of the wall or a citadel (LXX. ή ăκρα) is not known. It was, however, part of the defense of the city, and is mentioned in connection with the walls (ib.). It was strengthened by Hezekiah upon the approach of Sennacherib (II Chron. xxxii. 5); and may have been an artificial terrace (comp. the Assyrian "Mulu" and "Tamlu").
A palace of stone and of cedar-wood from Lebanon was built for David by Tyrian workmen (II Sam. v. 11, vii. 2). It must have stood somewhere between the Temple and the Siloam Pool, from the latter of which steps led up to the city of David (Neh. iii. 15). Some sort of tabernacle must also have been erected for him, (, II Sam. vi. 17; , ib. vii. 2); for he brought the Ark from the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, first to the house of Obed-edom, and then to the city of David (ib. vi. 3, 11). It was here that he deposited the gold and the silver that he had taken from the Aramean princes and from the Moabites and Ammonites, whom he had subdued (ib. viii. 11 et seq.). The plague that appeared in the land toward the end of David's reign does not seem to have touched Jerusalem. It was supposed to have been stayed mysteriously at a threshing-floor on Mt. Moriah, north of the city of David, belonging to one Araunah or Aranyah, which place was then bought by David, who erected an altar there (II Sam. xxiv. 14 et seq.; I Chron. xxi. 15 et seq.). David was buried "in the city of David" (I Kings ii. 10). The site of the tomb is unknown; but it was situated probably in the rocks of the southeastern hill ("Z. D. P. V." iii. 210, v. 330). It is mentioned in Neh. iii. 16 as being near to the steps (see above)
Jerusalem
Improvements by Solomon
Improvements by Solomon.
Under Solomon the city took on a much grander aspect. There is now definite reference to a wall surrounding it (I Kings iii. 9, ix. 15), a part of which seems to have been the Millo mentioned above. This wall must have enclosed some portion left open by David (ib. xi. 27). Solomon erected a palace made up of various buildings (ib. iii. 1), which took thirteen years to build (ib. vii. 1). The Temple was commenced in the month Ziv (ib. vi. 1; see Temple); it occupied seven years in construction, and was finished in the month Bul (ib. vi. 38). With the help of a Tyrian, the two pillars Jachin and Boaz were fashioned out of bronze (ib. vii. 13 et seq., ix. 11). The Temple was made up of a forecourt, the Holy Place (40 × 20 × 30 ells), the Holy of Holies (a cube of 20 ells), and various smaller buildings adjoining. To this Temple the Ark was removed from the city of David on the Feast of Tabernacles (ib. viii. 1). With the assistance of Hiram of Tyre (I Kings v. 15 et seq.), Solomon built a palace for Pharaoh's daughter (ib. vii. 8), and the "house of the forest of Lebanon" ("bet ya'ar ha-Lebanon," ib. vii. 2), which measured 100 × 50 × 30 cubits, and the top part of which was used as an armory (ib. x. 16). All these buildings, constructed of stone and wood, seem to have stood in a sort of court ("Hazer"), around which was a wall of three courses of stone (ib. vii. 12). Smaller courts surrounded the individual buildings. Solomon is said to have embellished Jerusalem with silver and costly wood (ib. x. 27). In later years he built, also, a "bamah" to Chemosh and to Molech "in the Mount that is before Jerusalem" (ib. xi. 7, R. V.).
The extent of the city at this time might be gaged by tracing the probable line of the wall, if that line were at all certain. Some scholars believe that Solomon enclosed the western hill; the wall would then be the first of the three, which had sixty crenelations, mentioned by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4, § 2). It would accordingly have commenced at what was later the tower Hippicus, near the present Jaffa Gate; running eastward to the Xystus, it would then have encircled the greater part of the Temple mount; bending south and southwest, it would have skirted Ophel, though not including the Siloam Pool (Josephus says "above the fountains"); and, enclosing the present Jewish and Protestant cemeteries, it would then have turned north again, meeting the other end at the Jaffa Gate. Upon this supposition, the remains found in the excavations of Maudslay in 1865, successfully followed by Bliss in 1896-97, are parts of this wall. Where the towers Hananeel and Ha-Meah or Meah stood can not be ascertained. They are mentioned in Jer. xxxi. 38; Zech. xiv. 10; Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39. The former seems to have marked the northeast corner of the city; the latter, to have been on a wall leading westward from this corner.
Jerusalem
Under Solomon the city took on a much grander aspect. There is now definite reference to a wall surrounding it (I Kings iii. 9, ix. 15), a part of which seems to have been the Millo mentioned above. This wall must have enclosed some portion left open by David (ib. xi. 27). Solomon erected a palace made up of various buildings (ib. iii. 1), which took thirteen years to build (ib. vii. 1). The Temple was commenced in the month Ziv (ib. vi. 1; see Temple); it occupied seven years in construction, and was finished in the month Bul (ib. vi. 38). With the help of a Tyrian, the two pillars Jachin and Boaz were fashioned out of bronze (ib. vii. 13 et seq., ix. 11). The Temple was made up of a forecourt, the Holy Place (40 × 20 × 30 ells), the Holy of Holies (a cube of 20 ells), and various smaller buildings adjoining. To this Temple the Ark was removed from the city of David on the Feast of Tabernacles (ib. viii. 1). With the assistance of Hiram of Tyre (I Kings v. 15 et seq.), Solomon built a palace for Pharaoh's daughter (ib. vii. 8), and the "house of the forest of Lebanon" ("bet ya'ar ha-Lebanon," ib. vii. 2), which measured 100 × 50 × 30 cubits, and the top part of which was used as an armory (ib. x. 16). All these buildings, constructed of stone and wood, seem to have stood in a sort of court ("Hazer"), around which was a wall of three courses of stone (ib. vii. 12). Smaller courts surrounded the individual buildings. Solomon is said to have embellished Jerusalem with silver and costly wood (ib. x. 27). In later years he built, also, a "bamah" to Chemosh and to Molech "in the Mount that is before Jerusalem" (ib. xi. 7, R. V.).
The extent of the city at this time might be gaged by tracing the probable line of the wall, if that line were at all certain. Some scholars believe that Solomon enclosed the western hill; the wall would then be the first of the three, which had sixty crenelations, mentioned by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4, § 2). It would accordingly have commenced at what was later the tower Hippicus, near the present Jaffa Gate; running eastward to the Xystus, it would then have encircled the greater part of the Temple mount; bending south and southwest, it would have skirted Ophel, though not including the Siloam Pool (Josephus says "above the fountains"); and, enclosing the present Jewish and Protestant cemeteries, it would then have turned north again, meeting the other end at the Jaffa Gate. Upon this supposition, the remains found in the excavations of Maudslay in 1865, successfully followed by Bliss in 1896-97, are parts of this wall. Where the towers Hananeel and Ha-Meah or Meah stood can not be ascertained. They are mentioned in Jer. xxxi. 38; Zech. xiv. 10; Neh. iii. 1, xii. 39. The former seems to have marked the northeast corner of the city; the latter, to have been on a wall leading westward from this corner.
Jerusalem
As Capital of Judah.
After the partition of the kingdom Jerusalem suffered many vicissitudes. It was taken by Shishak of Egypt at the time of Rehoboam of Judah (I Kings xiv. 25-26); and Jehoash of Israel destroyed 400 cubits of the wall from the Ephraim Gate to the corner gate (II Kings xiv. 13). It seems probable that the wall was repaired under Uzziah; at least, according to II Chron. xxvi. 9, he built towers over three of the gates. The Ophel wall was further repairedor enlarged by Jotham (ib. xxvii. 3); and a gate, called in Jer. xxxvi. 10 the "new gate," was built in the north wall of the Temple court (II Kings xv. 35). The coming of Sennacherib (701) caused the rebuilding of some portion of the wall which in the course of time had become ruined; but Sennacherib withdrew and Jerusalem was spared a siege (see Nagel, "Der Zug des Sanherib Gegen Jerusalem," Leipsic, 1902; and Jensen in "Theol. Lit. Zeitung," 1904, 4, col. 103). Hezekiah is mentioned as having done this repairing. He also rebuilt the Millo, and especially erected "another wall outside" (Isa. xxxii. 10; II Chron. xxxii. 5). This is probably Josephus' second wall, which "took its beginning from that gate which they called Genneth, which belonged to the first wall: it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the tower Antonia," the northwest corner of the Temple mount ("B. J." l.c.). This indicates the growth of the city to the north; the additional part being called "Mishneh" ("second city"; II Kings xxii. 14; Zeph. i. 10). Whether the Maktesh (Zeph. i. 11), in which the Phenician traders lived, was a part of the city can not be ascertained (Neh. xiii. 16; Zech. xiv. 21).
Jerusalem
After the partition of the kingdom Jerusalem suffered many vicissitudes. It was taken by Shishak of Egypt at the time of Rehoboam of Judah (I Kings xiv. 25-26); and Jehoash of Israel destroyed 400 cubits of the wall from the Ephraim Gate to the corner gate (II Kings xiv. 13). It seems probable that the wall was repaired under Uzziah; at least, according to II Chron. xxvi. 9, he built towers over three of the gates. The Ophel wall was further repairedor enlarged by Jotham (ib. xxvii. 3); and a gate, called in Jer. xxxvi. 10 the "new gate," was built in the north wall of the Temple court (II Kings xv. 35). The coming of Sennacherib (701) caused the rebuilding of some portion of the wall which in the course of time had become ruined; but Sennacherib withdrew and Jerusalem was spared a siege (see Nagel, "Der Zug des Sanherib Gegen Jerusalem," Leipsic, 1902; and Jensen in "Theol. Lit. Zeitung," 1904, 4, col. 103). Hezekiah is mentioned as having done this repairing. He also rebuilt the Millo, and especially erected "another wall outside" (Isa. xxxii. 10; II Chron. xxxii. 5). This is probably Josephus' second wall, which "took its beginning from that gate which they called Genneth, which belonged to the first wall: it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the tower Antonia," the northwest corner of the Temple mount ("B. J." l.c.). This indicates the growth of the city to the north; the additional part being called "Mishneh" ("second city"; II Kings xxii. 14; Zeph. i. 10). Whether the Maktesh (Zeph. i. 11), in which the Phenician traders lived, was a part of the city can not be ascertained (Neh. xiii. 16; Zech. xiv. 21).
Jerusalem
Water-Supply
Water-Supply.
To Hezekiah was due also the regulation of the water-supply in Jerusalem, so that the city might be prepared for a siege. The only natural spring of real value is Gihon on the southeastern side in the Kidron Valley (now called "Virgin's Spring" or "Spring of the Steps"), which from early times seems to have been used to provide the city with water. Undoubted traces have been found of an early conduit, partly open and partly underground, which conducted the water from the spring around the hill into the city of David (perhaps the earlier "Shiloah" of Isa. viii. 6; see Schick in "Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement" [hereafter cited as "P. E. F. S."], 1886, p. 197). In 1867 a rock tunnel was discovered by Warren that brought the water westward into a basin cut in the rocks; to this access was had by a shaft from above (perhaps the "king's pool," Neh. ii. 14), from the top of which a series of corridors led to an exit on the Hill of Ophel. Hezekiah cut off the flow of water to the north and had a conduit excavated through the rock, thus leading the water within the city limits to the Siloam Pool (II Chron. xxxii. 30; II Kings xx. 20). This Siloam conduit, which was discovered in 1880, is 1,757 feet in length. At about 19 feet from the Siloam end was found the famous inscription detailing the manner in which the undertaking had been carried out (see Siloam Inscription). The usefulness of this work may be gaged by the fact that it is specially mentioned to Hezekiah's honor by Ben Sira (Ecclus. [Sirach] xlviii. 17). It seems probable also that this king built a special fortification around Siloam ("wall of the pool of Siloah," Neh. iii. 15; "between the two walls," Isa. xxxii. 11; Jer. lii. 7). The graves of the common people (Jer. xxvi. 23, xxxi. 40) were probably in the Kidron Valley. The wall built by Manasseh (II Chron. xxxiii. 14) encompassed Ophel; starting west of Gihon, it must have been an additional protection for the southeastern fortifications. Its position can not be accurately determined.
Jerusalem
To Hezekiah was due also the regulation of the water-supply in Jerusalem, so that the city might be prepared for a siege. The only natural spring of real value is Gihon on the southeastern side in the Kidron Valley (now called "Virgin's Spring" or "Spring of the Steps"), which from early times seems to have been used to provide the city with water. Undoubted traces have been found of an early conduit, partly open and partly underground, which conducted the water from the spring around the hill into the city of David (perhaps the earlier "Shiloah" of Isa. viii. 6; see Schick in "Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement" [hereafter cited as "P. E. F. S."], 1886, p. 197). In 1867 a rock tunnel was discovered by Warren that brought the water westward into a basin cut in the rocks; to this access was had by a shaft from above (perhaps the "king's pool," Neh. ii. 14), from the top of which a series of corridors led to an exit on the Hill of Ophel. Hezekiah cut off the flow of water to the north and had a conduit excavated through the rock, thus leading the water within the city limits to the Siloam Pool (II Chron. xxxii. 30; II Kings xx. 20). This Siloam conduit, which was discovered in 1880, is 1,757 feet in length. At about 19 feet from the Siloam end was found the famous inscription detailing the manner in which the undertaking had been carried out (see Siloam Inscription). The usefulness of this work may be gaged by the fact that it is specially mentioned to Hezekiah's honor by Ben Sira (Ecclus. [Sirach] xlviii. 17). It seems probable also that this king built a special fortification around Siloam ("wall of the pool of Siloah," Neh. iii. 15; "between the two walls," Isa. xxxii. 11; Jer. lii. 7). The graves of the common people (Jer. xxvi. 23, xxxi. 40) were probably in the Kidron Valley. The wall built by Manasseh (II Chron. xxxiii. 14) encompassed Ophel; starting west of Gihon, it must have been an additional protection for the southeastern fortifications. Its position can not be accurately determined.
Jerusalem
Taken by Nebuchadnezzar
Taken by Nebuchadnezzar.
In the reign of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon made his first invasion into Palestine. There is no trace of a siege of Jerusalem at this time; but some of the Temple vessels were carried off (ib. xxxvi. 7). In 597 B.C., however, an encircling wall was built by the invaders, and the city invested. At the time of Jehoiachin (Jer. lii. 6) famine raged in the city. The rebellion of Zedekiah caused a second invasion in 587; and after a siege of a year and a half Jerusalem was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month (Ab), 586. The beauty and the strength of the city were destroyed. Nebuchadnezzar's general, Nebuzar-adan, burned the Temple, carrying away all the brass and the vessels; he burned also the king's palace and the larger houses of the city. The walls were razed, and a large number of the inhabitants (10,000, according to II Kings xxiv. 14) were deported and settled in various parts of Babylon; a number probably at Nippur, to judge from the names found by Hilprecht in the business documents of that city ("P. E. F. S." 1898, pp. 54, 137; Batten, "Ezra and Nehemiah," p. 57, in "S. B. O. T."). Even before this the city must have been depleted through the flight of many to Egypt (Jer. xlii. et seq.). The seat of government was removed to Mizpah (II Kings xxv. 23; Jer. xli. 1 et seq.).
Jerusalem
In the reign of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon made his first invasion into Palestine. There is no trace of a siege of Jerusalem at this time; but some of the Temple vessels were carried off (ib. xxxvi. 7). In 597 B.C., however, an encircling wall was built by the invaders, and the city invested. At the time of Jehoiachin (Jer. lii. 6) famine raged in the city. The rebellion of Zedekiah caused a second invasion in 587; and after a siege of a year and a half Jerusalem was taken on the ninth day of the fourth month (Ab), 586. The beauty and the strength of the city were destroyed. Nebuchadnezzar's general, Nebuzar-adan, burned the Temple, carrying away all the brass and the vessels; he burned also the king's palace and the larger houses of the city. The walls were razed, and a large number of the inhabitants (10,000, according to II Kings xxiv. 14) were deported and settled in various parts of Babylon; a number probably at Nippur, to judge from the names found by Hilprecht in the business documents of that city ("P. E. F. S." 1898, pp. 54, 137; Batten, "Ezra and Nehemiah," p. 57, in "S. B. O. T."). Even before this the city must have been depleted through the flight of many to Egypt (Jer. xlii. et seq.). The seat of government was removed to Mizpah (II Kings xxv. 23; Jer. xli. 1 et seq.).
Jerusalem
Rebuilt 537-516 B.C.
Rebuilt 537-516 B.C.
There are no materials for a history of Jerusalem during the period of the captivity, or even during the centuries following the return. The view advanced by Kosters and supported especially by Wildeboer and Cheyne will be criticized elsewhere (see Zerubbabel); but there seems to be no really valid ground for doubting the tradition reported by the chronicler in Ezra iii. of a first return under Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel in 539, during the reign of Cyrus; though Kosters may be right in pointing out that the Judahites who had been left in the city must have continued the worship of Yhwh in some manner or other. In the seventh month of that year there was a great gathering in Jerusalem, and the altar of burnt offering was again set up—presumably upon the place it had formerly occupied. The reconstruction of the Temple was begun in the second month of the second year (537; Ezra iii. 8 et seq.). Though this was attended with great ceremony (ib. verses 10-11), it is entirely ignored by the accounts in Ezra v. 2; Hag. i. 14, ii. 15; and Zech. viii. 8, which place the commencement of the building seventeen years later, in 520, during the reign of Darius Hystaspes, under the same Zerubbabel and the high priest Jeshua. But as nothing is said in Ezra iii. of the amount of building done, it may be surmised that it did not extend beyond the mere foundations, the work being interrupted by the evil devices of the Samaritans (ib. iv.), who made complaint to the suzerain in Babylon. Even the erection of the building of the year 520 was not uninterrupted, Tatnai, governor of Cœle-Syria and Phenicia, making a second reference of the matter to Babylon necessary (Ezra vi.). It was at lengthfinished in 516 (ib. verse 15). For the Temple building itself see Temple.
It is possible that the Birah or fortress was built at this time, though it is first mentioned in Neh. ii. 8. It was twice rebuilt in later times: once ("Ant." xv. 11, § 4, "Baris") by the Hasmonean kings, and a second time by Herod, who renamed it "Tower of Antonia." It was a strong, square building in the northwestern corner of the Temple mount, of some extent, as it had several gates. It was here that the high priests' vestments were kept (ib. xviii. 4, § 3), if the tower "built" by the high priest Hyrcanus is to be identified with Antonia, as is done by Josephus.
Jerusalem
There are no materials for a history of Jerusalem during the period of the captivity, or even during the centuries following the return. The view advanced by Kosters and supported especially by Wildeboer and Cheyne will be criticized elsewhere (see Zerubbabel); but there seems to be no really valid ground for doubting the tradition reported by the chronicler in Ezra iii. of a first return under Sheshbazzar and Zerubbabel in 539, during the reign of Cyrus; though Kosters may be right in pointing out that the Judahites who had been left in the city must have continued the worship of Yhwh in some manner or other. In the seventh month of that year there was a great gathering in Jerusalem, and the altar of burnt offering was again set up—presumably upon the place it had formerly occupied. The reconstruction of the Temple was begun in the second month of the second year (537; Ezra iii. 8 et seq.). Though this was attended with great ceremony (ib. verses 10-11), it is entirely ignored by the accounts in Ezra v. 2; Hag. i. 14, ii. 15; and Zech. viii. 8, which place the commencement of the building seventeen years later, in 520, during the reign of Darius Hystaspes, under the same Zerubbabel and the high priest Jeshua. But as nothing is said in Ezra iii. of the amount of building done, it may be surmised that it did not extend beyond the mere foundations, the work being interrupted by the evil devices of the Samaritans (ib. iv.), who made complaint to the suzerain in Babylon. Even the erection of the building of the year 520 was not uninterrupted, Tatnai, governor of Cœle-Syria and Phenicia, making a second reference of the matter to Babylon necessary (Ezra vi.). It was at lengthfinished in 516 (ib. verse 15). For the Temple building itself see Temple.
It is possible that the Birah or fortress was built at this time, though it is first mentioned in Neh. ii. 8. It was twice rebuilt in later times: once ("Ant." xv. 11, § 4, "Baris") by the Hasmonean kings, and a second time by Herod, who renamed it "Tower of Antonia." It was a strong, square building in the northwestern corner of the Temple mount, of some extent, as it had several gates. It was here that the high priests' vestments were kept (ib. xviii. 4, § 3), if the tower "built" by the high priest Hyrcanus is to be identified with Antonia, as is done by Josephus.
Jerusalem
The Night Ride of Nehemiah
The Night Ride of Nehemiah.
The population of the city was further augmented by the expedition under Ezra in the year 458, which comprised 1,496 men, besides women and children. It was through Ezra and Nehemiah that the new community was organized. It is difficult to estimate accurately the relation of these two to each other; but the material building up of the city seems to have been due to the latter. Whatever theories may exist regarding the composition of the Book of Nehemiah, the data there given are old and trustworthy. Nehemiah's night journey around the walls (Neh. ii. 13 et seq.), the account of the building operations (ib. iii.), and the route of the processions (ib. xii.), would give definite information as regards the extent of the city if the identification of the gates were in every case certain. A thorough exposition of the archeological data to be gotten from Nehemiah's accounts will be found in Ryssel's commentary ("Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch"). The most recent study of the subject has been commenced by H. Vincent in "Revue Biblique," 1904, pp. 56 et seq. In his night ride Nehemiah starts from the Valley Gate; goes in the direction of the well 'En-Tannin, then to the Dung Gate, the Fountain Gate, and the Pool of the King; passes through the valley; and returns to the Valley Gate. The location of these various places depends upon the position assigned to the Valley Gate. The word "Gai" undoubtedly stands for "Gai ben Hinnom"; and this must be identical with the Wadi al-Rababi on the south and its continuation northward on the west. Bliss has uncovered a line of wall starting southwest of the old Pool of Siloam and running in a northwestern direction, as well as remains of a gate 600 feet from what was the southwestern corner of the ancient city. This was probably the Valley Gate, although many identify the latter with the present Jaffa Gate, on the western side of the city. From the Valley Gate Nehemiah, taking the direction of the Serpents' Pool ("'En-Tannin"; sometimes identified with the pool of that name mentioned by Josephus ["B. J." v. 3, § 2]; by Caspari and Schick ["Z. D. P. V." xiv. 42], with the aqueduct which led the water from the Pools of Solomon; by Stade and Mitchell, however, with En-rogel ["Jour. Bib. Lit." 1903, p. 114]), proceeded to the Dung Gate, 1,000 cubits from his starting-point, and possibly the Harsith Gate of Jer. xix. 2, which in turn may be identified with a second gate, discovered by Bliss, 1,900 feet east of the first. He then went east, crossed the Tyropœon below the present Birkat al-Hamra, and came to the Fountain Gate near the Siloam Pool (here called the "pool of the king"), perhaps the "gate between two walls" through which King Zedekiah fled (II Kings xxv. 4; Jer. xxxix. 4, lii. 4), traces of which have also been found by Bliss. Nehemiah was then in the Kidron Valley, and, being unable to proceed farther along the walls, he returned to the city through the Valley Gate. It seems therefore that he examined only the southern and the southwestern walls of the city.
(see image) Southern Wall of Jerusalem at Various Times.(After Bliss.)
Jerusalem
The population of the city was further augmented by the expedition under Ezra in the year 458, which comprised 1,496 men, besides women and children. It was through Ezra and Nehemiah that the new community was organized. It is difficult to estimate accurately the relation of these two to each other; but the material building up of the city seems to have been due to the latter. Whatever theories may exist regarding the composition of the Book of Nehemiah, the data there given are old and trustworthy. Nehemiah's night journey around the walls (Neh. ii. 13 et seq.), the account of the building operations (ib. iii.), and the route of the processions (ib. xii.), would give definite information as regards the extent of the city if the identification of the gates were in every case certain. A thorough exposition of the archeological data to be gotten from Nehemiah's accounts will be found in Ryssel's commentary ("Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch"). The most recent study of the subject has been commenced by H. Vincent in "Revue Biblique," 1904, pp. 56 et seq. In his night ride Nehemiah starts from the Valley Gate; goes in the direction of the well 'En-Tannin, then to the Dung Gate, the Fountain Gate, and the Pool of the King; passes through the valley; and returns to the Valley Gate. The location of these various places depends upon the position assigned to the Valley Gate. The word "Gai" undoubtedly stands for "Gai ben Hinnom"; and this must be identical with the Wadi al-Rababi on the south and its continuation northward on the west. Bliss has uncovered a line of wall starting southwest of the old Pool of Siloam and running in a northwestern direction, as well as remains of a gate 600 feet from what was the southwestern corner of the ancient city. This was probably the Valley Gate, although many identify the latter with the present Jaffa Gate, on the western side of the city. From the Valley Gate Nehemiah, taking the direction of the Serpents' Pool ("'En-Tannin"; sometimes identified with the pool of that name mentioned by Josephus ["B. J." v. 3, § 2]; by Caspari and Schick ["Z. D. P. V." xiv. 42], with the aqueduct which led the water from the Pools of Solomon; by Stade and Mitchell, however, with En-rogel ["Jour. Bib. Lit." 1903, p. 114]), proceeded to the Dung Gate, 1,000 cubits from his starting-point, and possibly the Harsith Gate of Jer. xix. 2, which in turn may be identified with a second gate, discovered by Bliss, 1,900 feet east of the first. He then went east, crossed the Tyropœon below the present Birkat al-Hamra, and came to the Fountain Gate near the Siloam Pool (here called the "pool of the king"), perhaps the "gate between two walls" through which King Zedekiah fled (II Kings xxv. 4; Jer. xxxix. 4, lii. 4), traces of which have also been found by Bliss. Nehemiah was then in the Kidron Valley, and, being unable to proceed farther along the walls, he returned to the city through the Valley Gate. It seems therefore that he examined only the southern and the southwestern walls of the city.
(see image) Southern Wall of Jerusalem at Various Times.(After Bliss.)
Jerusalem
The Gates
The Gates.
The walls and gates as rebuilt under Nehemiah's directions are succinctly noticed in Neh. iii.; and their order is partially assured by the reverse enumeration, ib. xii. 38 et seq. The Sheep Gate is naturally to be sought for north of the Temple area. It is identified by some with the "gate of Benjamin" (Jer. xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7). The Fish Gate was so named after Tyrians who brought fish to Jerusalem (Neh. xiii. 16), and was situated on the northwestern side near the present Damascus Gate (II Chron. xxxiii. 14; Zeph. i. 10). The latter, which was strengthened by Manasseh, is sometimes called the "middle gate" (Jer. xxxix. 3). The "old gate" or "gate of the old pool"—referring perhaps to the Patriarch's Pool northwest of the city—is called also "Sha'ar ha-Rishon" (Zech. xiv. 10) and "Sha'ar ha-Pinnah" (II Kings xiv. 13; Jer. xxxi. 38; "ha-Poneh," IIChron. xxv. 23; "ha-Pinnim," Zech. xiv. 10). The Ephraim Gate led to the chief road to the north, where the throne of the Persian governor was placed; which throne can not have been in another place, Mizpah, the residence of the governor, as Ryle and Mitchell suggest. Where the "broad wall" was can not now be determined. In connection with it, reference is made to the "tower of the furnaces" (Neh. iii. 11), mentioned before the Valley Gate, and which was probably somewhere along the Tyropœon Valley. Schick, however ("Z. D. P. V." xiv. 51), places it near the Tower of David; Stade, about the middle of the western wall; and Mitchell (ib. p. 128), at the southwestern corner of the ancient city, where the remains of a tower whose base was hewn out of the native rock have been found ("P. E. F. S." 1875, p. 83). Then came the Dung Gate and the Fountain Gate mentioned above, a wall or a dam enclosing the Siloam Spring (i.e., the "lower pool," Birkat al-Hamra), in the neighborhood of which were the king's gardens (II Kings xxv. 4), the king's wine-presses (Zech. xiv. 10), and the steps leading down from the city of David on the eastern side of the hill ("Z. D. P. V." xi. 12), an artificial pool (Neh. iii. 16), and the "house of the warriors," either a tower or a species of barracks. The line of wall then turned ("angle," ib. verse 19) apparently to the northeast. Here two corners were found by Guthe ("Z. D. P. V." v. 298), between which turning and Ophel were the houses of the high priest and the dwelling-places of the Nethinim (Neh. iii. 21-23). Then came the upper royal palace, a projecting tower the ruins of which have been found, the "court of the guard" (ib. 25, 26), and the Water Gate (ib. iii. 26, xii. 37), near which there must have been an open space (ib. viii. 1, 3, 16); it was probably so called because a road led from it to the Virgin's Spring. The Horse Gate (ib. iii. 28) was probably toward the southeastern corner of the Temple. In former times it was directly connected with the palace (II Kings xi. 16; II Chron. xxiii. 15; comp. Jer. xxxi. 40). The other gates of the Temple wall on the east were the "gate of Benjamin" (Jer. xx. 2; R. V. "upper gate of Benjamin"; Zech. xiv. 10); the "gate of the Guard," generally located at the northeastern corner of the Temple area, though Schick and Mitchell are inclined to place it south of the Temple; and the "gate Miphkad" (Neh. iii. 31). The Sheep Gate on the north ended the work.
In addition to the walls, Nehemiah did much for the rebuilding of the city itself. A house for the high priest is mentioned (Neh. iii. 20), as are also dwellings for the other priests near the Horse Gate (ib. iii. 28); while, as stated above, the Nethinim had residences on Ophel, west of the Water Gate (ib. iii. 26), where there was also an outlying tower. The king's palace seems still to have been standing, or to have been rebuilt (ib. iii. 25), and was also flanked by a tower. It has been computed that the whole city thus included within the walls (Temple mount, the old city, and its southern additions) occupied about 200 acres, and covered both the eastern and the western hills. It is said to have been "large and great" (ib. vii. 4); but there were few houses built for the common people.
Jerusalem
The walls and gates as rebuilt under Nehemiah's directions are succinctly noticed in Neh. iii.; and their order is partially assured by the reverse enumeration, ib. xii. 38 et seq. The Sheep Gate is naturally to be sought for north of the Temple area. It is identified by some with the "gate of Benjamin" (Jer. xxxvii. 13, xxxviii. 7). The Fish Gate was so named after Tyrians who brought fish to Jerusalem (Neh. xiii. 16), and was situated on the northwestern side near the present Damascus Gate (II Chron. xxxiii. 14; Zeph. i. 10). The latter, which was strengthened by Manasseh, is sometimes called the "middle gate" (Jer. xxxix. 3). The "old gate" or "gate of the old pool"—referring perhaps to the Patriarch's Pool northwest of the city—is called also "Sha'ar ha-Rishon" (Zech. xiv. 10) and "Sha'ar ha-Pinnah" (II Kings xiv. 13; Jer. xxxi. 38; "ha-Poneh," IIChron. xxv. 23; "ha-Pinnim," Zech. xiv. 10). The Ephraim Gate led to the chief road to the north, where the throne of the Persian governor was placed; which throne can not have been in another place, Mizpah, the residence of the governor, as Ryle and Mitchell suggest. Where the "broad wall" was can not now be determined. In connection with it, reference is made to the "tower of the furnaces" (Neh. iii. 11), mentioned before the Valley Gate, and which was probably somewhere along the Tyropœon Valley. Schick, however ("Z. D. P. V." xiv. 51), places it near the Tower of David; Stade, about the middle of the western wall; and Mitchell (ib. p. 128), at the southwestern corner of the ancient city, where the remains of a tower whose base was hewn out of the native rock have been found ("P. E. F. S." 1875, p. 83). Then came the Dung Gate and the Fountain Gate mentioned above, a wall or a dam enclosing the Siloam Spring (i.e., the "lower pool," Birkat al-Hamra), in the neighborhood of which were the king's gardens (II Kings xxv. 4), the king's wine-presses (Zech. xiv. 10), and the steps leading down from the city of David on the eastern side of the hill ("Z. D. P. V." xi. 12), an artificial pool (Neh. iii. 16), and the "house of the warriors," either a tower or a species of barracks. The line of wall then turned ("angle," ib. verse 19) apparently to the northeast. Here two corners were found by Guthe ("Z. D. P. V." v. 298), between which turning and Ophel were the houses of the high priest and the dwelling-places of the Nethinim (Neh. iii. 21-23). Then came the upper royal palace, a projecting tower the ruins of which have been found, the "court of the guard" (ib. 25, 26), and the Water Gate (ib. iii. 26, xii. 37), near which there must have been an open space (ib. viii. 1, 3, 16); it was probably so called because a road led from it to the Virgin's Spring. The Horse Gate (ib. iii. 28) was probably toward the southeastern corner of the Temple. In former times it was directly connected with the palace (II Kings xi. 16; II Chron. xxiii. 15; comp. Jer. xxxi. 40). The other gates of the Temple wall on the east were the "gate of Benjamin" (Jer. xx. 2; R. V. "upper gate of Benjamin"; Zech. xiv. 10); the "gate of the Guard," generally located at the northeastern corner of the Temple area, though Schick and Mitchell are inclined to place it south of the Temple; and the "gate Miphkad" (Neh. iii. 31). The Sheep Gate on the north ended the work.
In addition to the walls, Nehemiah did much for the rebuilding of the city itself. A house for the high priest is mentioned (Neh. iii. 20), as are also dwellings for the other priests near the Horse Gate (ib. iii. 28); while, as stated above, the Nethinim had residences on Ophel, west of the Water Gate (ib. iii. 26), where there was also an outlying tower. The king's palace seems still to have been standing, or to have been rebuilt (ib. iii. 25), and was also flanked by a tower. It has been computed that the whole city thus included within the walls (Temple mount, the old city, and its southern additions) occupied about 200 acres, and covered both the eastern and the western hills. It is said to have been "large and great" (ib. vii. 4); but there were few houses built for the common people.
Jerusalem
Seized by the Persians
Seized by the Persians.
No events during the Persian period are recorded with any certainty. Josephus has a story that one Bagoses (Bagoas), "the general of Artaxerxes' army," used a quarrel between the high priest John and his brother Jesus (in which the latter was slain) as a pretext to enter the Temple with his Persian soldiers and to "punish the Jews for seven years" ("Ant." xi. 7, § 1; Eusebius, ed. Schoene, ii. 112). This Bagoas is supposed to be the general of the same name under Artaxerxes Ochus (357-338), who with Memnon put down an Egyptian revolt. The identification is quite uncertain, in spite of the authority of Nöldeke ("Aufsätze," p. 78), Wellhausen ("I. J. G." p. 146), and Cheyne ("Introduction to Isaiah," p. 360). Winckler places the occurrence under Cambyses (Schrader, "K. A. T." 3d ed., pp. 120, 291).
Jerusalem
No events during the Persian period are recorded with any certainty. Josephus has a story that one Bagoses (Bagoas), "the general of Artaxerxes' army," used a quarrel between the high priest John and his brother Jesus (in which the latter was slain) as a pretext to enter the Temple with his Persian soldiers and to "punish the Jews for seven years" ("Ant." xi. 7, § 1; Eusebius, ed. Schoene, ii. 112). This Bagoas is supposed to be the general of the same name under Artaxerxes Ochus (357-338), who with Memnon put down an Egyptian revolt. The identification is quite uncertain, in spite of the authority of Nöldeke ("Aufsätze," p. 78), Wellhausen ("I. J. G." p. 146), and Cheyne ("Introduction to Isaiah," p. 360). Winckler places the occurrence under Cambyses (Schrader, "K. A. T." 3d ed., pp. 120, 291).
Jerusalem
Under the Seleucids
Under the Seleucids.
Whether Alexander the Great was really in Jerusalem after the siege of Gaza in 332 is a matter of dispute, though it is hardly to be supposed that he was in Palestine without visiting the capital. The Talmud (Yoma 69a, etc.) has a reminiscence of such a visit, which may be true despite the legendary character of the details in Josephus (Grätz, "Gesch." ii., 2d. ed., p. 221). The latter says ("Ant." xi. 8, §§ 4 et seq.) that Alexander exempted its inhabitants from the payment of tribute in the seventh year (see Jew. Encyc. i. 341, s.v. Alexander the Great). But the city naturally suffered during the wars between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids which followed the disruption of Alexander's Asiatic empire. Ptolemy Soter seized Jerusalem (in 320 or 305) on a Sabbath-day, as Josephus says ("Ant." xii. 1, § 1) on the authority of Agatharchides of Cnidus, and the priests probably paid tribute to him. In 203 the city was taken by Antiochus; but it was retaken in 199 by the Egyptian general Scopas. The Jews inclined to the Seleucids. According to Josephus ("Ant." xiii. 3, § 3), they even assisted Antiochus when in 198 he seized the (Egyptian?) garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem, and admitted him and his soldiers into the city. The Syrian king showed his gratitude by assisting in the rebuilding of various places which had fallen into decay, by repopulating the city, by supplying material for the sacrifices, and by removing part of the heavy taxes. It seems probable that Simon, the high priest, using the permission to offer sacrifices, had the Temple repaired, a cistern dug, the wall for the Temple ("hekal melek") built, and the city fortified; for all of which he is praised by Ben Sira (Ecclus. [Sirach.] l. 1-4).
Jerusalem
Whether Alexander the Great was really in Jerusalem after the siege of Gaza in 332 is a matter of dispute, though it is hardly to be supposed that he was in Palestine without visiting the capital. The Talmud (Yoma 69a, etc.) has a reminiscence of such a visit, which may be true despite the legendary character of the details in Josephus (Grätz, "Gesch." ii., 2d. ed., p. 221). The latter says ("Ant." xi. 8, §§ 4 et seq.) that Alexander exempted its inhabitants from the payment of tribute in the seventh year (see Jew. Encyc. i. 341, s.v. Alexander the Great). But the city naturally suffered during the wars between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids which followed the disruption of Alexander's Asiatic empire. Ptolemy Soter seized Jerusalem (in 320 or 305) on a Sabbath-day, as Josephus says ("Ant." xii. 1, § 1) on the authority of Agatharchides of Cnidus, and the priests probably paid tribute to him. In 203 the city was taken by Antiochus; but it was retaken in 199 by the Egyptian general Scopas. The Jews inclined to the Seleucids. According to Josephus ("Ant." xiii. 3, § 3), they even assisted Antiochus when in 198 he seized the (Egyptian?) garrison which was in the citadel of Jerusalem, and admitted him and his soldiers into the city. The Syrian king showed his gratitude by assisting in the rebuilding of various places which had fallen into decay, by repopulating the city, by supplying material for the sacrifices, and by removing part of the heavy taxes. It seems probable that Simon, the high priest, using the permission to offer sacrifices, had the Temple repaired, a cistern dug, the wall for the Temple ("hekal melek") built, and the city fortified; for all of which he is praised by Ben Sira (Ecclus. [Sirach.] l. 1-4).
Jerusalem
Described by Aristeas and Hecatæus
Described by Aristeas and Hecatæus.
If the letter of Aristeas dates from about 200 B.C., as Schürer and Abrahams hold, it gives a fair description of the appearance of the city and especially of the Temple at that time. The city comprised 40 stadia, and the wall had towers. The narrator expresses his especial astonishment at the many canals that carried off the blood and the water from the Temple, and at the magnificence of the service. A similar description of Jerusalem at this time occurs in the fragments ascribed to Hecatæus of Abdera (cited by Josephus,"Contra Ap." i. 22), who speaks of the city as being 50 stadia in extent, with 120,000 inhabitants; of the wall surrounding the Temple area (150 miles in length, 44 miles wide); and of the altars and priests in the Temple (Reinach, "Textes," p. 232). The "flagrant mistakes" which the letter of Aristeas is supposed to contain (Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," ii. 12, note b) are not apparent. This view rests upon his description (§§ 100-104) of the Acra or citadel, which was the chief defense of the Temple area. That such an Acra existed is evidenced, in spite of Wendland, Willrich, and Wellhausen, by the presence of the Syrian garrison left there by the Egyptian general Scopas (II Macc. iv. 27; "Ant." xii. 3, § 1), which garrison was driven out by Simon Maccabeus (I Macc. xiii. 49). Where the Acra stood is doubtful, as the word is applied by Josephus in a general sense to various citadels. Under the Hasmoneans this defense was finally razed, the hill on which it stood being leveled, in order that the Temple might rise high above all other buildings, and to prevent the occupation of the citadel by an enemy ("Ant." xiii. 6, § 7). The northwestern part of the Temple mount can not be meant, as the rock upon which the Antonia was built still exists. In addition, I Maccabees speaks repeatedly of the Greeks fortifying themselves in the "city of David" (i. 33, ii. 31, vii. 32, xiv. 36), which overlooked the Temple ("Ant." xii. 9, § 3; 10, § 5).
The spread of Hellenism was in many ways fatal to the Jews of Jerusalem. It introduced factions into the life of the people; and the contests between the brothers Jason and Menelaus for the high-priestly office occasioned the presence of Antiochus Epiphanes (170 B.C.), who plundered the Temple of its treasures and killed a large number of the inhabitants (I Macc. i. 20; II Macc. v. 12; "Ant." xii. 5, § 3; "B. J." i. 1, § 1). Two years later his general and farmer of the taxes, Apollonius, attacked Jerusalem with a large army; took the city, also killing a large number; set fire to many of its buildings, razed some of its walls, and carried away many captives. The altar of the Temple was desecrated; and the Temple itself was given over to heathen worship. Apollonius built a strong wall around the Acra, which he evidently enlarged (I Macc. i. 29; II Macc. v. 24), and in which he entrenched the Syrian garrison. Jerusalem must, however, have commenced to take on the appearance of a Hellenic city. There was a gymnasium built on the hill west of the Temple (I Macc. i. 14; "Ant." xii. 5, § 1); probably the Xystus (Colonnade), which was joined to the Temple plateau by a bridge.
Jerusalem
If the letter of Aristeas dates from about 200 B.C., as Schürer and Abrahams hold, it gives a fair description of the appearance of the city and especially of the Temple at that time. The city comprised 40 stadia, and the wall had towers. The narrator expresses his especial astonishment at the many canals that carried off the blood and the water from the Temple, and at the magnificence of the service. A similar description of Jerusalem at this time occurs in the fragments ascribed to Hecatæus of Abdera (cited by Josephus,"Contra Ap." i. 22), who speaks of the city as being 50 stadia in extent, with 120,000 inhabitants; of the wall surrounding the Temple area (150 miles in length, 44 miles wide); and of the altars and priests in the Temple (Reinach, "Textes," p. 232). The "flagrant mistakes" which the letter of Aristeas is supposed to contain (Kautzsch, "Apokryphen," ii. 12, note b) are not apparent. This view rests upon his description (§§ 100-104) of the Acra or citadel, which was the chief defense of the Temple area. That such an Acra existed is evidenced, in spite of Wendland, Willrich, and Wellhausen, by the presence of the Syrian garrison left there by the Egyptian general Scopas (II Macc. iv. 27; "Ant." xii. 3, § 1), which garrison was driven out by Simon Maccabeus (I Macc. xiii. 49). Where the Acra stood is doubtful, as the word is applied by Josephus in a general sense to various citadels. Under the Hasmoneans this defense was finally razed, the hill on which it stood being leveled, in order that the Temple might rise high above all other buildings, and to prevent the occupation of the citadel by an enemy ("Ant." xiii. 6, § 7). The northwestern part of the Temple mount can not be meant, as the rock upon which the Antonia was built still exists. In addition, I Maccabees speaks repeatedly of the Greeks fortifying themselves in the "city of David" (i. 33, ii. 31, vii. 32, xiv. 36), which overlooked the Temple ("Ant." xii. 9, § 3; 10, § 5).
The spread of Hellenism was in many ways fatal to the Jews of Jerusalem. It introduced factions into the life of the people; and the contests between the brothers Jason and Menelaus for the high-priestly office occasioned the presence of Antiochus Epiphanes (170 B.C.), who plundered the Temple of its treasures and killed a large number of the inhabitants (I Macc. i. 20; II Macc. v. 12; "Ant." xii. 5, § 3; "B. J." i. 1, § 1). Two years later his general and farmer of the taxes, Apollonius, attacked Jerusalem with a large army; took the city, also killing a large number; set fire to many of its buildings, razed some of its walls, and carried away many captives. The altar of the Temple was desecrated; and the Temple itself was given over to heathen worship. Apollonius built a strong wall around the Acra, which he evidently enlarged (I Macc. i. 29; II Macc. v. 24), and in which he entrenched the Syrian garrison. Jerusalem must, however, have commenced to take on the appearance of a Hellenic city. There was a gymnasium built on the hill west of the Temple (I Macc. i. 14; "Ant." xii. 5, § 1); probably the Xystus (Colonnade), which was joined to the Temple plateau by a bridge.
Jerusalem
Recaptured by Judas Maccabeus
Recaptured by Judas Maccabeus.
In 165 Judas Maccabeus was at length successful in driving the Syrians out of the Temple and out of the greater part of the city, in honor of which the Feast of Hanukkah was instituted. The Temple mount was fortified with high walls and strong towers (I Macc. iv. 60, vi. 7). The citadel, however, was not freed until the time of Simon (142). In 163 Jerusalem was once more besieged, by Antiochus V., Eupator. Failing to take it, he feigned a peace; and, entering the city, he caused the wall around the Temple area to be razed (I Macc. vi. 60 et seq.; "Ant." xii. 9, §§ 5-7). It was rebuilt by the Maccabean Jonathan with rectangular stones, and he also repaired the walls of the city (I Macc. x. 10, 11). In 143 he raised the wall still higher, rebuilding a portion called "Caphenatha," which led down to the Kidron Valley, and which had fallen into decay (ib. xii. 36, 37). Finally, he built a wall to separate effectually the Acra from the rest of the city (ib.). This work was completed by his successor, Simon (ib. xiii. 10), who as related above expelled the Syrian garrison and leveled the hill of the Acra. The author of I Maccabees, however, knows nothing of this leveling; in xiv. 37 he speaks of Simon's fortifying the citadel, and in xv. 28 he mentions it as still existing. Wellhausen ("I. J. G." p. 227) supposes that the work was done at the time of John Hyrcanus. No certainty can be reached on this subject; but that the leveling occurred is proved by the various groundlevels as they exist to-day (Schürer, "Gesch." i. 195, note 14). Under Hyrcanus the city was once again besieged, by Antiochus VII., Sidetes (134 B.C.). Towers were raised by him opposite the northern wall; and great suffering ensued. On this occasion Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David and took out 3,000 talents ("Ant." vii. 15, § 3; "B. J." i. 2, § 5). A truce was made and, while the Syrian garrison was not admitted, some part of the fortifications around the city was leveled ("Ant." xiii. 8, §§ 2-4); it seems, however, to have been soon rebuilt (I Macc. xvi. 23).
Jerusalem
In 165 Judas Maccabeus was at length successful in driving the Syrians out of the Temple and out of the greater part of the city, in honor of which the Feast of Hanukkah was instituted. The Temple mount was fortified with high walls and strong towers (I Macc. iv. 60, vi. 7). The citadel, however, was not freed until the time of Simon (142). In 163 Jerusalem was once more besieged, by Antiochus V., Eupator. Failing to take it, he feigned a peace; and, entering the city, he caused the wall around the Temple area to be razed (I Macc. vi. 60 et seq.; "Ant." xii. 9, §§ 5-7). It was rebuilt by the Maccabean Jonathan with rectangular stones, and he also repaired the walls of the city (I Macc. x. 10, 11). In 143 he raised the wall still higher, rebuilding a portion called "Caphenatha," which led down to the Kidron Valley, and which had fallen into decay (ib. xii. 36, 37). Finally, he built a wall to separate effectually the Acra from the rest of the city (ib.). This work was completed by his successor, Simon (ib. xiii. 10), who as related above expelled the Syrian garrison and leveled the hill of the Acra. The author of I Maccabees, however, knows nothing of this leveling; in xiv. 37 he speaks of Simon's fortifying the citadel, and in xv. 28 he mentions it as still existing. Wellhausen ("I. J. G." p. 227) supposes that the work was done at the time of John Hyrcanus. No certainty can be reached on this subject; but that the leveling occurred is proved by the various groundlevels as they exist to-day (Schürer, "Gesch." i. 195, note 14). Under Hyrcanus the city was once again besieged, by Antiochus VII., Sidetes (134 B.C.). Towers were raised by him opposite the northern wall; and great suffering ensued. On this occasion Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David and took out 3,000 talents ("Ant." vii. 15, § 3; "B. J." i. 2, § 5). A truce was made and, while the Syrian garrison was not admitted, some part of the fortifications around the city was leveled ("Ant." xiii. 8, §§ 2-4); it seems, however, to have been soon rebuilt (I Macc. xvi. 23).
Jerusalem
Captured by Pompey
Captured by Pompey.
The Roman power was hovering not far from Judea. It was soon to fasten its claws upon Jerusalem, in consequence of the fratricidal war between Aristobulus II. and Hyrcanus II. Aristobulus had fortified himself on the Temple mount, where he was besieged by Hyrcanus, aided by the Idumean Aretas. Pompey was appealed to by both combatants; and, not wishing to decide in favor of either, he moved against the city (66 B.C.). The war party had entrenched itself behind the walls in the northern part of the Temple area, and day after day Pompey raised a bank on which the Roman battering-rams were placed. These finally broke down one of the towers and made breaches in the wall (Tacitus, "Hist." v. 9; Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 16). Josephus ("Ant." xiv. 4, § 4; "B. J." i. 7, § 12) says that 12,000 Jews perished, and that many houses were fired by the Jews themselves. Though the Temple was not touched, the bridge crossing the Tyropœon to the Xystus was destroyed; this, however, was rebuilt later ("B. J." ii. 16, § 4). Jerusalem thus became (in the autumn of 63) the capital of one of the five provinces into which Palestine was divided ("Ant." xiv. 5, § 4; "B. J." i. 8, § 5); but this arrangement was not of long duration. The Syrian proconsul M. Lucinius Crassus despoiled the Temple, taking 2,000 talents of money and all the golden objects he could find ("Ant." xiv. 7, § 1; "B. J." i. 8, § 8). Permission to rebuild the walls was given by Julius Cæsar ("Ant." xiv. 10, § 5). More blood was shed in the conflicts between Antigonus, Phasael, and Herod, the sons of the Idumean Antipater; and in the year 40 the Parthians, under Pacorus and Barzapharnes, occupied Jerusalem and plundered it and the surroundingcountry ("Ant." xiv. 13, § 9). The city itself was beleaguered by Herod (37 B.C.) and the Roman general Sosius, the attack coming again from the north. After forty days the first wall was taken; after fifteen more, the second; finally, the Temple and the upper city were captured and a terrible slaughter ensued ("Ant." xiv. 16, § 3; "B. J." i. 18, § 2).
Jerusalem
The Roman power was hovering not far from Judea. It was soon to fasten its claws upon Jerusalem, in consequence of the fratricidal war between Aristobulus II. and Hyrcanus II. Aristobulus had fortified himself on the Temple mount, where he was besieged by Hyrcanus, aided by the Idumean Aretas. Pompey was appealed to by both combatants; and, not wishing to decide in favor of either, he moved against the city (66 B.C.). The war party had entrenched itself behind the walls in the northern part of the Temple area, and day after day Pompey raised a bank on which the Roman battering-rams were placed. These finally broke down one of the towers and made breaches in the wall (Tacitus, "Hist." v. 9; Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 16). Josephus ("Ant." xiv. 4, § 4; "B. J." i. 7, § 12) says that 12,000 Jews perished, and that many houses were fired by the Jews themselves. Though the Temple was not touched, the bridge crossing the Tyropœon to the Xystus was destroyed; this, however, was rebuilt later ("B. J." ii. 16, § 4). Jerusalem thus became (in the autumn of 63) the capital of one of the five provinces into which Palestine was divided ("Ant." xiv. 5, § 4; "B. J." i. 8, § 5); but this arrangement was not of long duration. The Syrian proconsul M. Lucinius Crassus despoiled the Temple, taking 2,000 talents of money and all the golden objects he could find ("Ant." xiv. 7, § 1; "B. J." i. 8, § 8). Permission to rebuild the walls was given by Julius Cæsar ("Ant." xiv. 10, § 5). More blood was shed in the conflicts between Antigonus, Phasael, and Herod, the sons of the Idumean Antipater; and in the year 40 the Parthians, under Pacorus and Barzapharnes, occupied Jerusalem and plundered it and the surroundingcountry ("Ant." xiv. 13, § 9). The city itself was beleaguered by Herod (37 B.C.) and the Roman general Sosius, the attack coming again from the north. After forty days the first wall was taken; after fifteen more, the second; finally, the Temple and the upper city were captured and a terrible slaughter ensued ("Ant." xiv. 16, § 3; "B. J." i. 18, § 2).
Jerusalem
Buildings of Herod
Buildings of Herod.
With the accession of Herod the city entered on a period of outward brilliancy. He was the great building king, and is renowned especially for the palace that he erected and for the Temple that he restored. The palace was built (24 B.C.) upon the extreme western part near the present Jaffa Gate, where to-day are the barracks and the Armenian Garden. It was walled in to the height of 30 cubits; it had towers, many porticos in which were pillars, and large chambers; and outside were groves of trees, a deep canal, cisterns, and brazen statues, all of which excite the admiration of Josephus. Herod's restoration of the Temple, begun in 20 B.C. (finished in 62-64 C.E.), was carried out with great magnificence. He built also a theater, and in the plain ("P. E. F. S." 1887, p. 161) an amphitheater covered with "inscriptions of the great actions of Cæsar" ("Ant." xv. 8, § 1; a hippodrome, according to "B. J." ii. 3, § 1), as well as a town hall, near the present maHkamah; and in the northeast he erected a monument to himself ("B. J." v. 12, § 2), which can not be exactly located. He enlarged the Baris commanding the Temple on the north, and renamed it "Antonia." It was connected with the Temple by a flight of stairs (Acts xxi. 35). He does not seem to have added to the walls, but to have strengthened and beautified them to the north of his palace by four towers called respectively "Psephinus" (an octagon 70 cubits high), "Hippicus" (a square of 25 cubits), "Mariamne" (a square of 40 cubits), and "Phasael" (a square of 30 cubits). In these towers were reservoirs and living-rooms; and they had battlements and turrets ("B. J." v. 4, § 3). Of the other features of the city at this time may be mentioned the κολυμβήθρα Аμύγδαλον ("B. J." v. 11, § 4), which, if it represents the Hebrew "Berekat ha-Migdalim," must have been in the neighborhood of the four towers. Where the "Lishkat ha-Gazit," in which the Sanhedrin sat, was situated is not clear. According to the Mishnah, it was in the inner court of the Temple. If it is the Vcyουλή of Josephus, or rather the Vcyουλευτήριον, it must have been on the western side of the Temple mount not far from the Xystus, of which word the Hebrew "Gazit" would be a translation (Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 211). The city, largely extended as it was to the north, was indeed magnificent in appearance, but with a strangely Roman character imprinted upon an Oriental background.
Jerusalem
With the accession of Herod the city entered on a period of outward brilliancy. He was the great building king, and is renowned especially for the palace that he erected and for the Temple that he restored. The palace was built (24 B.C.) upon the extreme western part near the present Jaffa Gate, where to-day are the barracks and the Armenian Garden. It was walled in to the height of 30 cubits; it had towers, many porticos in which were pillars, and large chambers; and outside were groves of trees, a deep canal, cisterns, and brazen statues, all of which excite the admiration of Josephus. Herod's restoration of the Temple, begun in 20 B.C. (finished in 62-64 C.E.), was carried out with great magnificence. He built also a theater, and in the plain ("P. E. F. S." 1887, p. 161) an amphitheater covered with "inscriptions of the great actions of Cæsar" ("Ant." xv. 8, § 1; a hippodrome, according to "B. J." ii. 3, § 1), as well as a town hall, near the present maHkamah; and in the northeast he erected a monument to himself ("B. J." v. 12, § 2), which can not be exactly located. He enlarged the Baris commanding the Temple on the north, and renamed it "Antonia." It was connected with the Temple by a flight of stairs (Acts xxi. 35). He does not seem to have added to the walls, but to have strengthened and beautified them to the north of his palace by four towers called respectively "Psephinus" (an octagon 70 cubits high), "Hippicus" (a square of 25 cubits), "Mariamne" (a square of 40 cubits), and "Phasael" (a square of 30 cubits). In these towers were reservoirs and living-rooms; and they had battlements and turrets ("B. J." v. 4, § 3). Of the other features of the city at this time may be mentioned the κολυμβήθρα Аμύγδαλον ("B. J." v. 11, § 4), which, if it represents the Hebrew "Berekat ha-Migdalim," must have been in the neighborhood of the four towers. Where the "Lishkat ha-Gazit," in which the Sanhedrin sat, was situated is not clear. According to the Mishnah, it was in the inner court of the Temple. If it is the Vcyουλή of Josephus, or rather the Vcyουλευτήριον, it must have been on the western side of the Temple mount not far from the Xystus, of which word the Hebrew "Gazit" would be a translation (Schürer, "Gesch." 3d ed., ii. 211). The city, largely extended as it was to the north, was indeed magnificent in appearance, but with a strangely Roman character imprinted upon an Oriental background.
Jerusalem
Growth of Northern Suburb
Growth of Northern Suburb.
Very little change was effected in Jerusalem during the years between Herod and the destruction under Titus. Pilate increased the water-supply by building a conduit 200 furlongs in length; whence the water came, Josephus does not state ("Ant." xviii. 3, § 2). If this conduit was one of those which carried the water from the Pools of Solomon south of Bethlehem, it is probable that Pilate only repaired what already existed (Baedeker, "Palestine and Syria," p. 132). The friction between Jews and Romans increased, especially as a garrison of the latter was permanently stationed in the Antonia. The northern suburb had grown to such an extent that in the year 41 of the common era Agrippa I. repaired its walls, making them broader and higher ("Ant." xix. 7, § 2). Josephus says that the work was stopped by Emperor Claudius, and that the people completed it, probably not in as magnificent a style as had been contemplated ("B. J." v. 4, § 2). According to Schick, this work is represented by the present northern wall ("Z. D. P. V." xvii. 87). Most of the original wall has in course of time been carried off for building purposes; but as late as 1869 about forty or fifty yards were still visible (Merrill, in "P. E. F. S." 1903, p. 159). This new part of the city was over against the Antonia, but was divided from it, as a precaution, by a deep valley. Josephus calls this "Bezetha" ("B. J." v. 5, § 8), which he interprets as "New City," but which in Aramaic ought to be "Bet-Hadta." It is called "Bezeth" in I Macc. vii. 19; "Bezetho" in "Ant." xii. 10, § 2; "Bethzatha" in John v. 2 (R. V., margin; "Bethesda," A. V.; in Palestinian Syriac; see Grätz, "Gesch." iii., note 11).
The beauty of the city was enhanced by several palaces erected toward the south by the royal family of Adiabene: one by Monobaz near the wall running east from Siloam ("B. J." v. 6, § 1); another for Queen Helena ("in the middle of the Acra," "Ant." vi. 6, § 3); and a third built by Grapte, a relative of Izates ("B. J." iv. 9, § 11). A family burial-place was erected by Helena three furlongs north of the city in the form of a triple pyramid ("Ant." xx. 4, § 3). Agrippa II. built an addition to the Hasmonean palace near the Xystus, which, however, gave offense to the priests, as from it all the doings in the Temple courts could be observed. It was also a menace in time of war. They, therefore, erected a wall which effectually shut out the inner court even from the western cloisters, in which a Roman guard was kept ("Ant." xx. 8, § 11). The Antonia was also a constant menace to the Temple itself. In the time of Florus the Jews destroyed the cloisters between the two buildings ("B. J." ii. 15, § 6); but subsequently they were rebuilt.
Jerusalem
Very little change was effected in Jerusalem during the years between Herod and the destruction under Titus. Pilate increased the water-supply by building a conduit 200 furlongs in length; whence the water came, Josephus does not state ("Ant." xviii. 3, § 2). If this conduit was one of those which carried the water from the Pools of Solomon south of Bethlehem, it is probable that Pilate only repaired what already existed (Baedeker, "Palestine and Syria," p. 132). The friction between Jews and Romans increased, especially as a garrison of the latter was permanently stationed in the Antonia. The northern suburb had grown to such an extent that in the year 41 of the common era Agrippa I. repaired its walls, making them broader and higher ("Ant." xix. 7, § 2). Josephus says that the work was stopped by Emperor Claudius, and that the people completed it, probably not in as magnificent a style as had been contemplated ("B. J." v. 4, § 2). According to Schick, this work is represented by the present northern wall ("Z. D. P. V." xvii. 87). Most of the original wall has in course of time been carried off for building purposes; but as late as 1869 about forty or fifty yards were still visible (Merrill, in "P. E. F. S." 1903, p. 159). This new part of the city was over against the Antonia, but was divided from it, as a precaution, by a deep valley. Josephus calls this "Bezetha" ("B. J." v. 5, § 8), which he interprets as "New City," but which in Aramaic ought to be "Bet-Hadta." It is called "Bezeth" in I Macc. vii. 19; "Bezetho" in "Ant." xii. 10, § 2; "Bethzatha" in John v. 2 (R. V., margin; "Bethesda," A. V.; in Palestinian Syriac; see Grätz, "Gesch." iii., note 11).
The beauty of the city was enhanced by several palaces erected toward the south by the royal family of Adiabene: one by Monobaz near the wall running east from Siloam ("B. J." v. 6, § 1); another for Queen Helena ("in the middle of the Acra," "Ant." vi. 6, § 3); and a third built by Grapte, a relative of Izates ("B. J." iv. 9, § 11). A family burial-place was erected by Helena three furlongs north of the city in the form of a triple pyramid ("Ant." xx. 4, § 3). Agrippa II. built an addition to the Hasmonean palace near the Xystus, which, however, gave offense to the priests, as from it all the doings in the Temple courts could be observed. It was also a menace in time of war. They, therefore, erected a wall which effectually shut out the inner court even from the western cloisters, in which a Roman guard was kept ("Ant." xx. 8, § 11). The Antonia was also a constant menace to the Temple itself. In the time of Florus the Jews destroyed the cloisters between the two buildings ("B. J." ii. 15, § 6); but subsequently they were rebuilt.
Jerusalem
Jerusalem Before the Fall
Jerusalem Before the Fall.
A picture of Jerusalem shortly before its final destruction can be drawn from the accounts of Josephus, Tacitus, and the New Testament. The varied character of its population must have been quite evident, made up, as it was, of different parties of Jews, notably Zealots and Hellenists, on the one hand, and of Romans on the other. At the time of the great festivals, the city and its surroundings must have been filled with Jews from other towns and villages, and even from the farthest portions of the Diaspora ("Ant." xvii. 9, § 3). Josephus says that at one time 2,565,000 offered the Passover sacrifice ("B. J." vi. 9, § 3; comp. Johnxii. 20; Acts ii. 5-11; and "Z. D. P. V." iv. 211), and that at the similar festival in the time of Florus 3,000,000 were present ("B. J." ii. 14, § 3)—as evident an exaggeration as the Talmudic reckoning of 12,000,000 (see Chwolson, "Das Letzte Passamahl Christi," p. 48), though Tacitus ("Hist." v. 13) states that the number of the besieged was 600,000. According to Josephus ("B. J." v. 6, § 1) there were 10,000 soldiers in Jerusalem at the time of the final rebellion in addition to 5,000 Idu-means. The Roman procurator had his court in the Pretorium (Mark xv. 16 et seq.). It seems likely that this was part of the Antonia, where the Roman garrison was situated (Acts xxi. 34) and where the procurator's judgment-seat is said to have been (Matt. xxvii. 19).
Jerusalem
A picture of Jerusalem shortly before its final destruction can be drawn from the accounts of Josephus, Tacitus, and the New Testament. The varied character of its population must have been quite evident, made up, as it was, of different parties of Jews, notably Zealots and Hellenists, on the one hand, and of Romans on the other. At the time of the great festivals, the city and its surroundings must have been filled with Jews from other towns and villages, and even from the farthest portions of the Diaspora ("Ant." xvii. 9, § 3). Josephus says that at one time 2,565,000 offered the Passover sacrifice ("B. J." vi. 9, § 3; comp. Johnxii. 20; Acts ii. 5-11; and "Z. D. P. V." iv. 211), and that at the similar festival in the time of Florus 3,000,000 were present ("B. J." ii. 14, § 3)—as evident an exaggeration as the Talmudic reckoning of 12,000,000 (see Chwolson, "Das Letzte Passamahl Christi," p. 48), though Tacitus ("Hist." v. 13) states that the number of the besieged was 600,000. According to Josephus ("B. J." v. 6, § 1) there were 10,000 soldiers in Jerusalem at the time of the final rebellion in addition to 5,000 Idu-means. The Roman procurator had his court in the Pretorium (Mark xv. 16 et seq.). It seems likely that this was part of the Antonia, where the Roman garrison was situated (Acts xxi. 34) and where the procurator's judgment-seat is said to have been (Matt. xxvii. 19).
Jerusalem
The Walls
The Walls.
The account of Tacitus ("Hist." v. 8-12) is meager. He mentions the walls with towers 120 feet high, part of which height was that of the natural elevation upon which they were built. He mentions also a perennial fountain of water. Further details, especially of the walls, are given by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4). He says that the city lay upon two opposite hills, with a valley between: the one containing the upper city was much higher and longer, and was called in his day the "upper market-place"; the other hill, called "Acra," was ἀμφίκυρτος ("gibbous"), referring, no doubt, to the city of David of the Old Testament, i.e., Zion. Over against this was a third hill, lower and separated from it by a valley, evidently the Temple mount. In addition to this there was the "new city" (for another, novel but unacceptable, view of these designations see Gatt in "Z. D. P. V." xxv. 178). This would give the city an extent of about 33 stadia or 6 square kilometers; though Eusebius gives only 27 stadia. The walls were three in number. That on the north was a triple one, on account of the vulnerable condition of the city from that direction. The southern-most wall encompassed the upper and the lower city and Ophel. It started at Hippicus, ran south to the Gate of the Essenes at the southwest corner of the city, then east, curving as it approached the Kidron Valley, from which it ran north-northeast, joining the Temple enclosure at its southeastern extremity. Bliss supposes that this wall did not include the Siloam Pool, as Josephus ("B. J." v. 9, § 4) speaks of the pool as being in the hands of the Romans. On the north it ran from Hippicus directly east to the northern edge of the southwestern hill, near the Xystus, where it joined the western porch of the Temple. The second wall to the north has been partly retraced by the excavations of Schick. It must have started near Hippicus and the gate Gennath, running slightly northward, enclosing the Amygdalon Pool, and then east; thence it ran north-northeast until it reached the Antonia. Schick supposed that it did not include the place where now the Church of the Sepulcher stands; but, according to Mitchell, he made a wrong estimate of the material found by him in 1887, and the wall included this space ("Jour. Bib. Lit." xxiii. 142). The third wall was that built by Agrippa I. It started also at Hippicus, ran northwest, then northeast, over against the monuments of Helena, passed by the tomb of the kings, and joined the old wall in the Kidron Valley. It seems probable that this coincided with the present northern wall of the city. See frontis-piece, map of Jerusalem (time of destruction).
Jerusalem
The account of Tacitus ("Hist." v. 8-12) is meager. He mentions the walls with towers 120 feet high, part of which height was that of the natural elevation upon which they were built. He mentions also a perennial fountain of water. Further details, especially of the walls, are given by Josephus ("B. J." v. 4). He says that the city lay upon two opposite hills, with a valley between: the one containing the upper city was much higher and longer, and was called in his day the "upper market-place"; the other hill, called "Acra," was ἀμφίκυρτος ("gibbous"), referring, no doubt, to the city of David of the Old Testament, i.e., Zion. Over against this was a third hill, lower and separated from it by a valley, evidently the Temple mount. In addition to this there was the "new city" (for another, novel but unacceptable, view of these designations see Gatt in "Z. D. P. V." xxv. 178). This would give the city an extent of about 33 stadia or 6 square kilometers; though Eusebius gives only 27 stadia. The walls were three in number. That on the north was a triple one, on account of the vulnerable condition of the city from that direction. The southern-most wall encompassed the upper and the lower city and Ophel. It started at Hippicus, ran south to the Gate of the Essenes at the southwest corner of the city, then east, curving as it approached the Kidron Valley, from which it ran north-northeast, joining the Temple enclosure at its southeastern extremity. Bliss supposes that this wall did not include the Siloam Pool, as Josephus ("B. J." v. 9, § 4) speaks of the pool as being in the hands of the Romans. On the north it ran from Hippicus directly east to the northern edge of the southwestern hill, near the Xystus, where it joined the western porch of the Temple. The second wall to the north has been partly retraced by the excavations of Schick. It must have started near Hippicus and the gate Gennath, running slightly northward, enclosing the Amygdalon Pool, and then east; thence it ran north-northeast until it reached the Antonia. Schick supposed that it did not include the place where now the Church of the Sepulcher stands; but, according to Mitchell, he made a wrong estimate of the material found by him in 1887, and the wall included this space ("Jour. Bib. Lit." xxiii. 142). The third wall was that built by Agrippa I. It started also at Hippicus, ran northwest, then northeast, over against the monuments of Helena, passed by the tomb of the kings, and joined the old wall in the Kidron Valley. It seems probable that this coincided with the present northern wall of the city. See frontis-piece, map of Jerusalem (time of destruction).
Jerusalem
Under the Christian Emperors
Under the Christian Emperors.
With the advent of Constantine the Great the city became thoroughly Christian. In 336 the Church of the Anastasis was built over the Holy Sepulcher, and the Pool of Siloam was surrounded by a portico. There is a tradition that the emperor Julian, called "the Apostate," in 362 gave the Jews, of whom Rabbi Hillel was nasi, permission to rebuild the Temple, but that the plan was not carried out because of an explosion (Socrates, "Hist. Eccl." iii. 20; see Hanauer in "P. E. F. S." 1902, p. 389). Valentinian commenced to rebuild the walls, but died before the work was accomplished. In 450the empress Eudoxia, widow of Theodosius II., restored them, enclosing within them the Pool of Siloam. Under the Council of Chalcedon (451) Jerusalem became an independent patriarchate. Additional Christian buildings were erected by Justinian in 532. In 614 the Persian Chosroes II. attacked Jerusalem. He is reported by the "Chronicon Paschale" to have been aided by 24,000 Jews ("P. E. F. S." 1898, p. 36). At the time of the emperor Maurice there were several earthquakes in Palestine; one of these caused the destruction of the building which had been erected on the site of the Temple. It is said that Jews were sent to rebuild it. In 629 Heraclius made peace with Siroes, the son of Chosroes, and reentered the city. He renewed the edict prohibiting the Jews from dwelling in Jerusalem. In 637 Omar and the Arabs appeared before Jerusalem, and the city came under the power of the Moslems. Omar erected a wooden mosque west of the Rock, and ordered that no new churches were to be built.
Jerusalem
With the advent of Constantine the Great the city became thoroughly Christian. In 336 the Church of the Anastasis was built over the Holy Sepulcher, and the Pool of Siloam was surrounded by a portico. There is a tradition that the emperor Julian, called "the Apostate," in 362 gave the Jews, of whom Rabbi Hillel was nasi, permission to rebuild the Temple, but that the plan was not carried out because of an explosion (Socrates, "Hist. Eccl." iii. 20; see Hanauer in "P. E. F. S." 1902, p. 389). Valentinian commenced to rebuild the walls, but died before the work was accomplished. In 450the empress Eudoxia, widow of Theodosius II., restored them, enclosing within them the Pool of Siloam. Under the Council of Chalcedon (451) Jerusalem became an independent patriarchate. Additional Christian buildings were erected by Justinian in 532. In 614 the Persian Chosroes II. attacked Jerusalem. He is reported by the "Chronicon Paschale" to have been aided by 24,000 Jews ("P. E. F. S." 1898, p. 36). At the time of the emperor Maurice there were several earthquakes in Palestine; one of these caused the destruction of the building which had been erected on the site of the Temple. It is said that Jews were sent to rebuild it. In 629 Heraclius made peace with Siroes, the son of Chosroes, and reentered the city. He renewed the edict prohibiting the Jews from dwelling in Jerusalem. In 637 Omar and the Arabs appeared before Jerusalem, and the city came under the power of the Moslems. Omar erected a wooden mosque west of the Rock, and ordered that no new churches were to be built.
Jerusalem
Destruction of the City (70)
Destruction of the City (70).
The city, however, was doomed to destruction, partly because of the dissensions among its inhabitants and partly because of the exactions of the Roman procurators. Among the latter was particularly Gessius Florus (66 C.E.), who inflamed the multitude by taking 17 talents out of the treasury of the Temple, and by bringing his soldiers to Jerusalem, where they plundered the upper market-place and robbed many houses; though in the end he was forced to retire again to Cæsarea ("B. J." ii. 14-15). Cestius Gallus tried to retrieve the lost fortunes of Florus: he burned the new city Bezetha, stormed the inner wall, and had commenced to undermine the Temple wall when he was repulsed. Under Vespasian (70) was commenced the great siege of Jerusalem, which lasted from the 14th of Nisan until the 8th of Elul, 134 days. The war party, the parties of Simon and of John of Giscala, the Idu-means, and the peace party rent the city in pieces. Simon held the upper and lower cities; John, the Temple and Ophel; and they did as much destruction from within as the Romans did from without ("B. J." ii. 6, § 1). Vespasian was succeeded by his son Titus, who came with four legions. On the fifteenth day of the siege the wall of Agrippa was taken; on the twentieth and twenty-fourth, the second wall; on the seventy-second, the Antonia; on the eighty-fourth, the daily sacrifice in the Temple was stopped; on the ninety-fifth, the northern cloisters of the Temple were destroyed; on the one hundred and fifth, fire was set to the Temple and the lower city was burned; finally, the greater part of the city went up in flames. The Jews commemorate the Ninth of Ab as the day of the destruction of the Temple, though this seems to have taken place on the 10th of the month (Schürer, "Gesch." i. 530). Josephus says ("B. J." vii. 1, § 1) that orders were given to allow the towers Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne to stand, and "so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the western side," but that all of the remaining walls were leveled, and even their foundations were dug up. How far this is to be taken literally is not clear: recent excavations seem to show that it is only partially true. There is no proof that even the altar of burnt offering in the Temple was left, and that some sacrifices were still offered there; the explicit statement (Ta'an. iv. 6) that on the 17th of Tammuz the daily offering ceased is proof against the notices in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Clement of Rome, and Josephus (see discussion in Schürer, "Gesch." i. 548 et seq.). The suffering in the city must have been terrible. Many of the inhabitants were carried off and sold as slaves in the Roman markets. According to Josephus ("B. J." v. 13, § 7), as many as 115,880 dead bodies were carried out through one gate between the months of Nisan and Tammuz; and even before the siege was ended, 600,000 bodies had been thrown out of the gates. The 10th Roman legion was left in the city, for whosepurposes the towers mentioned were allowed to stand. Bricks marked "leg. X Fret." (i.e., Fretensis) have been found in numbers both in and outside of the city proper. Cæsarea, however, remained the capital of the Roman province (see Church, "The Last Days of Jerusalem," 1903).
The emperor Hadrian attempted to erect a Roman city upon the ruins of Jerusalem, and even to turn the Temple into a place of worship of Jupiter Capitolinus. A stone from the foundation of the statue of the latter, with a Roman inscription, is still to be seen in the southern wall of the Haram (Luncz, "Jerusalem," v. 100). The Jewish legend (Gen. R. lxiv.), mentioned also by Chrysostom, Cedrenus, and Callistus, that the Jews themselves attempted to rebuild the Temple, seems untrustworthy; and the "Chronicon Paschale" says expressly that it was actually rebuilt by Hadrian (Schürer, l.c. i. 564). This may or may not have been the direct cause of the Bar Kokba war (see Jew. Encyc. ii. 508, s.v. Bar Kokba); at any rate, during the Bar Kokba revolt Jerusalem suffered still further. It seems probable that the leader and his insurgents did occupy Jerusalem for a while; his restruck Greco-Roman tetradrachms have as symbol a portico with four columns, evidently representing the Temple (Reinach, "Jewish Coins," p. 51), with the inscription "Of the Freedom of Jerusalem." When the rebellion was put down, in 134, the city was further destroyed (Appian, "Syria," p. 50), and the plow was drawn over the Temple mount by the governor-general Tinnius Rufus (Ta'an. iv. 6; Jerome on Zech. viii. 19). The new city was finally built and was named Ælia Capitolina after Hadrian and Jupiter Capitolinus; heathen colonists were introduced, and the Jews were prohibited from entering—a decree of Hadrian which was in force certainly up to the time of Eusebius, 312 ("Hist. Eccl." iv. 6). After a while the walls were repaired; but the city does not seem to have had the same extent as before. The new wall did not include part of Ophel and Mount Zion, and seems to have stood on the south where the present wall is found. Various public buildings were erected: a temple to Venus in the northern quarter, and a sanctuary to Jupiter on the site of the Temple. Statues to Hadrian and Jupiter were placed on the Temple area. The Antonia was rebuilt, but on a smaller scale, the ground to the north being turned into a covered market-place on which a triumphal arch was erected to Hadrian, part of which is the present so-called "Ecce homo" arch. The above-mentioned edict does not seem to have been strictly observed; for the Bordeaux Pilgrim (333) states that the Jews were allowed to visit annually "the pierced stone," which they anointed, and at which they bewailed their fate ("Palestine Pilgrim Text Soc. Publ." i., v. 22), a fact corroborated by Jerome (on Ezek. i. 15) and by the rabbinical writings (Eccl. R. xi. 1; Cant. R. i. 15; Lam. R. i. 17; Yer. Ber. 13b, above; "LuaH Erez Yisrael," v. 16). Stone ossuaries ("osteophagi") containing bones of both Jews and Jewish Christians and dating from the second to the fourth century have been found in the Valley of Jehoshaphat.
(see image) The Hereford Mappa Mundi, 1280, Showing Jerusalem in the Center of the World.
Jerusalem
The city, however, was doomed to destruction, partly because of the dissensions among its inhabitants and partly because of the exactions of the Roman procurators. Among the latter was particularly Gessius Florus (66 C.E.), who inflamed the multitude by taking 17 talents out of the treasury of the Temple, and by bringing his soldiers to Jerusalem, where they plundered the upper market-place and robbed many houses; though in the end he was forced to retire again to Cæsarea ("B. J." ii. 14-15). Cestius Gallus tried to retrieve the lost fortunes of Florus: he burned the new city Bezetha, stormed the inner wall, and had commenced to undermine the Temple wall when he was repulsed. Under Vespasian (70) was commenced the great siege of Jerusalem, which lasted from the 14th of Nisan until the 8th of Elul, 134 days. The war party, the parties of Simon and of John of Giscala, the Idu-means, and the peace party rent the city in pieces. Simon held the upper and lower cities; John, the Temple and Ophel; and they did as much destruction from within as the Romans did from without ("B. J." ii. 6, § 1). Vespasian was succeeded by his son Titus, who came with four legions. On the fifteenth day of the siege the wall of Agrippa was taken; on the twentieth and twenty-fourth, the second wall; on the seventy-second, the Antonia; on the eighty-fourth, the daily sacrifice in the Temple was stopped; on the ninety-fifth, the northern cloisters of the Temple were destroyed; on the one hundred and fifth, fire was set to the Temple and the lower city was burned; finally, the greater part of the city went up in flames. The Jews commemorate the Ninth of Ab as the day of the destruction of the Temple, though this seems to have taken place on the 10th of the month (Schürer, "Gesch." i. 530). Josephus says ("B. J." vii. 1, § 1) that orders were given to allow the towers Hippicus, Phasael, and Mariamne to stand, and "so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the western side," but that all of the remaining walls were leveled, and even their foundations were dug up. How far this is to be taken literally is not clear: recent excavations seem to show that it is only partially true. There is no proof that even the altar of burnt offering in the Temple was left, and that some sacrifices were still offered there; the explicit statement (Ta'an. iv. 6) that on the 17th of Tammuz the daily offering ceased is proof against the notices in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Clement of Rome, and Josephus (see discussion in Schürer, "Gesch." i. 548 et seq.). The suffering in the city must have been terrible. Many of the inhabitants were carried off and sold as slaves in the Roman markets. According to Josephus ("B. J." v. 13, § 7), as many as 115,880 dead bodies were carried out through one gate between the months of Nisan and Tammuz; and even before the siege was ended, 600,000 bodies had been thrown out of the gates. The 10th Roman legion was left in the city, for whosepurposes the towers mentioned were allowed to stand. Bricks marked "leg. X Fret." (i.e., Fretensis) have been found in numbers both in and outside of the city proper. Cæsarea, however, remained the capital of the Roman province (see Church, "The Last Days of Jerusalem," 1903).
The emperor Hadrian attempted to erect a Roman city upon the ruins of Jerusalem, and even to turn the Temple into a place of worship of Jupiter Capitolinus. A stone from the foundation of the statue of the latter, with a Roman inscription, is still to be seen in the southern wall of the Haram (Luncz, "Jerusalem," v. 100). The Jewish legend (Gen. R. lxiv.), mentioned also by Chrysostom, Cedrenus, and Callistus, that the Jews themselves attempted to rebuild the Temple, seems untrustworthy; and the "Chronicon Paschale" says expressly that it was actually rebuilt by Hadrian (Schürer, l.c. i. 564). This may or may not have been the direct cause of the Bar Kokba war (see Jew. Encyc. ii. 508, s.v. Bar Kokba); at any rate, during the Bar Kokba revolt Jerusalem suffered still further. It seems probable that the leader and his insurgents did occupy Jerusalem for a while; his restruck Greco-Roman tetradrachms have as symbol a portico with four columns, evidently representing the Temple (Reinach, "Jewish Coins," p. 51), with the inscription "Of the Freedom of Jerusalem." When the rebellion was put down, in 134, the city was further destroyed (Appian, "Syria," p. 50), and the plow was drawn over the Temple mount by the governor-general Tinnius Rufus (Ta'an. iv. 6; Jerome on Zech. viii. 19). The new city was finally built and was named Ælia Capitolina after Hadrian and Jupiter Capitolinus; heathen colonists were introduced, and the Jews were prohibited from entering—a decree of Hadrian which was in force certainly up to the time of Eusebius, 312 ("Hist. Eccl." iv. 6). After a while the walls were repaired; but the city does not seem to have had the same extent as before. The new wall did not include part of Ophel and Mount Zion, and seems to have stood on the south where the present wall is found. Various public buildings were erected: a temple to Venus in the northern quarter, and a sanctuary to Jupiter on the site of the Temple. Statues to Hadrian and Jupiter were placed on the Temple area. The Antonia was rebuilt, but on a smaller scale, the ground to the north being turned into a covered market-place on which a triumphal arch was erected to Hadrian, part of which is the present so-called "Ecce homo" arch. The above-mentioned edict does not seem to have been strictly observed; for the Bordeaux Pilgrim (333) states that the Jews were allowed to visit annually "the pierced stone," which they anointed, and at which they bewailed their fate ("Palestine Pilgrim Text Soc. Publ." i., v. 22), a fact corroborated by Jerome (on Ezek. i. 15) and by the rabbinical writings (Eccl. R. xi. 1; Cant. R. i. 15; Lam. R. i. 17; Yer. Ber. 13b, above; "LuaH Erez Yisrael," v. 16). Stone ossuaries ("osteophagi") containing bones of both Jews and Jewish Christians and dating from the second to the fourth century have been found in the Valley of Jehoshaphat.
(see image) The Hereford Mappa Mundi, 1280, Showing Jerusalem in the Center of the World.
Jerusalem
Rabbinic References
Rabbinic References.
For the whole of the Talmudic period very little information in regard to Jerusalem is to be obtained from the Jewish sources. What became of the Temple utensils carried off by Titus, and figured upon the arch erected to him in Rome, can not be ascertained, despite the various legends that have gathered around them (see, e.g., Naphtali b. Isaac, "'Emek ha-Melek," p. 14a, Amsterdam, 1648). It is interesting to note that a picture on colored glass dating from the third century and representing the Temple at Jerusalem has been found in the Jewish catacombs of Rome ("Archives de l'Orient Latin," ii. 439). Jerusalem was supposed by the Rabbis to be the center of the habitable world (see the passages in FarHi, "Kaftor wa-FeraH," p. 18a), a view adopted by medieval Christendom (see Bevan and Philroth, "Medieval Geography," p. xiii.); and the earthly Jerusalem () was believed to be paralleled by the Jerusalem above (), which had been prepared before the creation of the world (Apoc. Baruch, iv. 3). The same idea is found in the Apocrypha (II Esdras vii. 26; viii. 52, 53; x. 44-59) and in the New Testament (ύ ăνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ, Gal. iv. 26; Heb. xii. 22; Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 10; see Weber, "Lehren des Talmuds," p. 356; Charles, "Apoc. of Baruch," p. 6, note 3; and Jew. Encyc. v. 215).
The Rabbis count seventy different names for Jerusalem in the Bible (Midr. ha-Gadol, ed. Schechter, p. 678; "Agadat Shir ha-Shirim," 1. 125, and Schechter's note in his ed. p. 50, Cambridge, 1896; see also Ta'an. v.; Midr. ha-Ne'elam, in Zohar Hadash, section "NoaH"). They are of course extravagant in their praise of the city: "Whoever has not seen Jerusalem in its glory has never seen a delightful city" (Suk. 51a; Midr. Teh. on Ps. xlviii.); "Ten measures of beauty descended upon the world: Jerusalem took nine, and the rest of the world one" (kid. 49b; Esther R. i.); "There is no beauty like that of Jerusalem" (Ab. R. N. § 28); "No serpent or scorpion ever did harm in Jerusalem" (Ab. v. 48); "nor was there ever a destructive fire or ruin in Jerusalem" (Ab. R. N. xxxv.).
Jerusalem
For the whole of the Talmudic period very little information in regard to Jerusalem is to be obtained from the Jewish sources. What became of the Temple utensils carried off by Titus, and figured upon the arch erected to him in Rome, can not be ascertained, despite the various legends that have gathered around them (see, e.g., Naphtali b. Isaac, "'Emek ha-Melek," p. 14a, Amsterdam, 1648). It is interesting to note that a picture on colored glass dating from the third century and representing the Temple at Jerusalem has been found in the Jewish catacombs of Rome ("Archives de l'Orient Latin," ii. 439). Jerusalem was supposed by the Rabbis to be the center of the habitable world (see the passages in FarHi, "Kaftor wa-FeraH," p. 18a), a view adopted by medieval Christendom (see Bevan and Philroth, "Medieval Geography," p. xiii.); and the earthly Jerusalem () was believed to be paralleled by the Jerusalem above (), which had been prepared before the creation of the world (Apoc. Baruch, iv. 3). The same idea is found in the Apocrypha (II Esdras vii. 26; viii. 52, 53; x. 44-59) and in the New Testament (ύ ăνω Ἰερουσαλὴμ, Gal. iv. 26; Heb. xii. 22; Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 10; see Weber, "Lehren des Talmuds," p. 356; Charles, "Apoc. of Baruch," p. 6, note 3; and Jew. Encyc. v. 215).
The Rabbis count seventy different names for Jerusalem in the Bible (Midr. ha-Gadol, ed. Schechter, p. 678; "Agadat Shir ha-Shirim," 1. 125, and Schechter's note in his ed. p. 50, Cambridge, 1896; see also Ta'an. v.; Midr. ha-Ne'elam, in Zohar Hadash, section "NoaH"). They are of course extravagant in their praise of the city: "Whoever has not seen Jerusalem in its glory has never seen a delightful city" (Suk. 51a; Midr. Teh. on Ps. xlviii.); "Ten measures of beauty descended upon the world: Jerusalem took nine, and the rest of the world one" (kid. 49b; Esther R. i.); "There is no beauty like that of Jerusalem" (Ab. R. N. § 28); "No serpent or scorpion ever did harm in Jerusalem" (Ab. v. 48); "nor was there ever a destructive fire or ruin in Jerusalem" (Ab. R. N. xxxv.).
Jerusalem
Synagogues and Schools
Synagogues and Schools.
Of the city itself the following data may be mentioned: There were 480 synagogues (Lam. R., Preface, 12) and 80 schools (Num. R. xviii.), among them the bet ha-midrash of Johanan b. Zakkai, all of which were destroyed by Vespasian. Each bet ha-midrash contained an elementary and a high school (Pesik., ed. Buber, p. 121b, and note). Mention is made of a synagogue of the (Naz. 52a), which was sold to Rabbi Eliezer b. Zadok (Meg. 26b). This may refer to a synagogue of the Jews of Tarsus, though Tosef., Meg. iii. 6 reads: "Synagogue of the Alexandrians." In Midr. Tadshe xxii. (Epstein, "Beiträge," p. xliv.) occurs the following: "Jerusalem originally was made up of two cities: the upper one, which fell to Judah's lot; and the second, to that of Benjamin. Upon Joshua's death, the Judahites took their portion, fired the city, and made it waste. The lower city remained until the time of David, who commenced to rebuild the upper one and to surround both with a wall. In the upper one was the threshing-floor of Araunah; in the lower one (Mt. Moriah) the Temple was situated." Ten peculiarities are mentioned in connection with Jerusalem: its houses could not have balconies or extensions; neither ashpits nor potters' ovens were allowed, nor gardens, other than those of roses; chickens were not to be raised; a corpse was not to remain over night; a house might not be irredeemably sold; the ceremony of the "beheaded heifer" was not performed to atone an unknown murder committed in Jerusalem or its neighborhood (Deut. xxi. 1-8); it could not be declared "a city led astray" (Deut. xiii., xiv.); nor could any house in it be made unclean by reason of a plague (see Lev. xiv. 34 et seq.; see also B. k. 82 and parallels). There were twenty-four squares in Jerusalem, each having twenty-four porticoes (Lam. R. 1). The following market-places are mentioned: , for those that fattened animals: explained by some to be either a meat- or poultry-market or the market of the apothecaries (Yer. Sotah viii. 3); it was closed on the Sabbath-day ('Er. x. 9); , that of the wool-dealers (ib. 101a); , where the non-Jewish washers dwelt (Shek. viii. 1); and the (Tosef., 'Eduy. iii. 3), the wood-market, or, perhaps, a chamber in the Temple area where wood for the altar was kept (Zeb. 113a). There was also a large court, Bet Ya'zek, in which the witnesses to the new moon collected (R. H. 23b); a Lishkat Hashsha'im (Shek. v. 6), where the charitable made their contributions in secret and the poor received them also in secret; the Eben ha-to'im (or to'en), where found articles were brought and returned to their owners (B. M. 28b); the Shokat Yehu ("Water-channel of Jehu"), cut in the rocks (Mik. iv. 5; Yeb. 15a); the Kippah shel Heshbonot, a vaulted place immediately outside of the city, in which business accounts were settled; it was placed there so that no one might sorrow in Jerusalem on account of a money loss (Ex. R. lii., end). Courts were built over the rocky ground; in the hollows below were born those children who were to assist the high priest in offering the red heifer (Num. xix. 2; Suk. 21a and parallels). Very peculiarly, Shiloh (Siloam) is said to have been in the middle of the city (Yer. Hag. 76a). The trees of Jerusalem were cinnamon-trees,and gave forth an odor over the whole land (Shab. 63a). All sorts of pictures ("parzupot") except those of human figures were in Jerusalem (Tosef., 'Ab. Zarah, vi.). There were no graves there except those of the house of David and of Huldah the prophetess (Tosef., Neg. vi.).
Jerusalem
Of the city itself the following data may be mentioned: There were 480 synagogues (Lam. R., Preface, 12) and 80 schools (Num. R. xviii.), among them the bet ha-midrash of Johanan b. Zakkai, all of which were destroyed by Vespasian. Each bet ha-midrash contained an elementary and a high school (Pesik., ed. Buber, p. 121b, and note). Mention is made of a synagogue of the (Naz. 52a), which was sold to Rabbi Eliezer b. Zadok (Meg. 26b). This may refer to a synagogue of the Jews of Tarsus, though Tosef., Meg. iii. 6 reads: "Synagogue of the Alexandrians." In Midr. Tadshe xxii. (Epstein, "Beiträge," p. xliv.) occurs the following: "Jerusalem originally was made up of two cities: the upper one, which fell to Judah's lot; and the second, to that of Benjamin. Upon Joshua's death, the Judahites took their portion, fired the city, and made it waste. The lower city remained until the time of David, who commenced to rebuild the upper one and to surround both with a wall. In the upper one was the threshing-floor of Araunah; in the lower one (Mt. Moriah) the Temple was situated." Ten peculiarities are mentioned in connection with Jerusalem: its houses could not have balconies or extensions; neither ashpits nor potters' ovens were allowed, nor gardens, other than those of roses; chickens were not to be raised; a corpse was not to remain over night; a house might not be irredeemably sold; the ceremony of the "beheaded heifer" was not performed to atone an unknown murder committed in Jerusalem or its neighborhood (Deut. xxi. 1-8); it could not be declared "a city led astray" (Deut. xiii., xiv.); nor could any house in it be made unclean by reason of a plague (see Lev. xiv. 34 et seq.; see also B. k. 82 and parallels). There were twenty-four squares in Jerusalem, each having twenty-four porticoes (Lam. R. 1). The following market-places are mentioned: , for those that fattened animals: explained by some to be either a meat- or poultry-market or the market of the apothecaries (Yer. Sotah viii. 3); it was closed on the Sabbath-day ('Er. x. 9); , that of the wool-dealers (ib. 101a); , where the non-Jewish washers dwelt (Shek. viii. 1); and the (Tosef., 'Eduy. iii. 3), the wood-market, or, perhaps, a chamber in the Temple area where wood for the altar was kept (Zeb. 113a). There was also a large court, Bet Ya'zek, in which the witnesses to the new moon collected (R. H. 23b); a Lishkat Hashsha'im (Shek. v. 6), where the charitable made their contributions in secret and the poor received them also in secret; the Eben ha-to'im (or to'en), where found articles were brought and returned to their owners (B. M. 28b); the Shokat Yehu ("Water-channel of Jehu"), cut in the rocks (Mik. iv. 5; Yeb. 15a); the Kippah shel Heshbonot, a vaulted place immediately outside of the city, in which business accounts were settled; it was placed there so that no one might sorrow in Jerusalem on account of a money loss (Ex. R. lii., end). Courts were built over the rocky ground; in the hollows below were born those children who were to assist the high priest in offering the red heifer (Num. xix. 2; Suk. 21a and parallels). Very peculiarly, Shiloh (Siloam) is said to have been in the middle of the city (Yer. Hag. 76a). The trees of Jerusalem were cinnamon-trees,and gave forth an odor over the whole land (Shab. 63a). All sorts of pictures ("parzupot") except those of human figures were in Jerusalem (Tosef., 'Ab. Zarah, vi.). There were no graves there except those of the house of David and of Huldah the prophetess (Tosef., Neg. vi.).
Jerusalem
Old Customs
Old Customs.
Certain customs peculiar to Jerusalem are mentioned in the rabbinical writings. A man invited to a meal turned up one of his sleeves as a sign of the receipt of the invitation (Lam. R. iv. 2); a flag ("mappah") was displayed at the door of a house where a feast was being held; after it had been taken away no one could enter (Tosef., Ber. iv. 8; comp. Yer. Demai iv. 4). Jerusalemites were accustomed to bind their lulabs with golden bands (Suk. 36b). Certain women habitually provided the narcotic which was given to a condemned man in order to blunt his sensibilities (Sanh. 43a; comp. Matt. xxvii. 48 and parallels). On the Fifteenth of Ab and on the Day of Atonement the maidens went abroad in borrowed white garments and danced in the vineyards, saying to the young men, "Lift up thy eyes and see whom thou wouldst choose" (Ta'an. 26b). In writing deeds in Jerusalem it was customary to state not only the day but also the hour of execution (Ket. 94b). A man approaching the city recited, "Zion is a wilderness, Jerusalem a desolation" (Isa. lxiv. 10), and made a rent in his garment (M. k. 26 and parallels)—a custom observed to this day. As a congregation, the Jews of Jerusalem are called specifically (Ber. 9b) and (Yer. Ma'as. Sh. ii. 10).
The Rabbis further held that the western wall, the Gate of the Priests, and the Huldah Gate were not and never will be destroyed (Cant. R. § 2), and that whether the Temple was standing or not the Shekinah was not removed from it; it still dwelt near the western wall (Tan., Shemot, x.; Cant. R. ii. 9). God will bring back all the former joy to Jerusalem; and every one that on earth bewails its destruction will in the future world rejoice at its restoration (Pes. 28 and parallels). It will not be rebuilt until all the Diaspora is gathered together (Tan., ed. Buber, NoaH, 17); then it will reach to the Gate of Damascus (Cant. R. § 7; Sifre ii. 1); and people will come borne on clouds (Pes. 1). God and His angels will be a wall around the city (Yalk., Zech. 569), which will be a "metropolis for all countries" (Cant. R. i., § 37); it is even said that all nations will be collected therein (Ab. R. N. xxxv., end), and that the city will then have a new name (Isa. lxii. 2; Pesik. § Sosa Asis). The passages from the Talmudical writings will be found in Jehiel zebi Hirschensohn, "Sheba' Hokmot sheba-Talmud," pp. 128 et seq., Lemberg, 1883; Judah Idel Zisling, "Sefer Yalkut Erez Yisrael," Wilna, 1890; David b. Simon, "Sha'ar ha-Hazer," Jerusalem, 1862; see also FarHi, "Kaftor wa-FeraH," ed. Edelmann, p. 14a, and Neubauer, "G. T." pp. 134 et seq.
Jerusalem
Certain customs peculiar to Jerusalem are mentioned in the rabbinical writings. A man invited to a meal turned up one of his sleeves as a sign of the receipt of the invitation (Lam. R. iv. 2); a flag ("mappah") was displayed at the door of a house where a feast was being held; after it had been taken away no one could enter (Tosef., Ber. iv. 8; comp. Yer. Demai iv. 4). Jerusalemites were accustomed to bind their lulabs with golden bands (Suk. 36b). Certain women habitually provided the narcotic which was given to a condemned man in order to blunt his sensibilities (Sanh. 43a; comp. Matt. xxvii. 48 and parallels). On the Fifteenth of Ab and on the Day of Atonement the maidens went abroad in borrowed white garments and danced in the vineyards, saying to the young men, "Lift up thy eyes and see whom thou wouldst choose" (Ta'an. 26b). In writing deeds in Jerusalem it was customary to state not only the day but also the hour of execution (Ket. 94b). A man approaching the city recited, "Zion is a wilderness, Jerusalem a desolation" (Isa. lxiv. 10), and made a rent in his garment (M. k. 26 and parallels)—a custom observed to this day. As a congregation, the Jews of Jerusalem are called specifically (Ber. 9b) and (Yer. Ma'as. Sh. ii. 10).
The Rabbis further held that the western wall, the Gate of the Priests, and the Huldah Gate were not and never will be destroyed (Cant. R. § 2), and that whether the Temple was standing or not the Shekinah was not removed from it; it still dwelt near the western wall (Tan., Shemot, x.; Cant. R. ii. 9). God will bring back all the former joy to Jerusalem; and every one that on earth bewails its destruction will in the future world rejoice at its restoration (Pes. 28 and parallels). It will not be rebuilt until all the Diaspora is gathered together (Tan., ed. Buber, NoaH, 17); then it will reach to the Gate of Damascus (Cant. R. § 7; Sifre ii. 1); and people will come borne on clouds (Pes. 1). God and His angels will be a wall around the city (Yalk., Zech. 569), which will be a "metropolis for all countries" (Cant. R. i., § 37); it is even said that all nations will be collected therein (Ab. R. N. xxxv., end), and that the city will then have a new name (Isa. lxii. 2; Pesik. § Sosa Asis). The passages from the Talmudical writings will be found in Jehiel zebi Hirschensohn, "Sheba' Hokmot sheba-Talmud," pp. 128 et seq., Lemberg, 1883; Judah Idel Zisling, "Sefer Yalkut Erez Yisrael," Wilna, 1890; David b. Simon, "Sha'ar ha-Hazer," Jerusalem, 1862; see also FarHi, "Kaftor wa-FeraH," ed. Edelmann, p. 14a, and Neubauer, "G. T." pp. 134 et seq.
Jerusalem
Under the Arabs
Under the Arabs.
After the conquest of Jerusalem by the Arabs the city soon took on a Mohammedan aspect. In 688 the calif 'Abd al-Malik built the Dome of the Rock; in 728 the cupola over the Akṣa mosque was erected, the same being restored in 758-775 by Al-Mahdi. In 831 Al-Ma'mun restored the Dome of the Rock and built the octagonal wall. In 1016 the Dome was partly destroyed by earthquakes; but it was repaired in 1022. The chief Arabic histories of Jerusalem are those by Al-Makdisi, "Mutir al-Ghanam" ("J. R. A. S." xix. 297); Al-Suyuti, "ItHaf al-AHissa" (1470, p. 258); and Mujir al-Din al-'Ulaimi, "Ins al-Jalil" (1496), ed. Cairo, 1866 (partly translated in H. Sauvaire, "Histoire de Jerusalem," Paris, 1876). Mujir al-Din relates that when 'Abd al-Malik built the Dome, he employed ten Jewish families, who were freed from all taxes. They increased so quickly in number that they were removed by the calif Omar (c. 717). He relates further: "And among the servants of the sanctuary, too, was another company of Jews, who made the glass plates for the lamps and the glass lantern-bowls and glass vessels and rods. No poll-tax was demanded of them, nor from those that made wicks for the lamps." Another tradition, reported by a number of Arabic writers, says that the original position of the Temple was pointed out to Omar by the apostate Ka'b ("Z. D. P. V." xiii. 9 et seq.). This tradition is referred to also in an anonymous Hebrew letter ("Ozar tob," 79, 13) and by Isaac Helo (1333), who says that the place was pointed out by an old Jew to the Mohammedan conqueror on condition that he preserve the western wall (Carmoly, "Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte," p. 237). Bar Hebræus ("Chronicum Syriacum," p. 108) asserts that it was specially stipulated between Omar and Sophronius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, that the Jews should not live in the city—a statement which can not be verified.
The geographer Al-Mukaddasi, writing in 985, does not speak highly of Jerusalem; he complains that the Christians and the Jews "have the upper hand" (ed. De Goeje, p. 167). He adds that in Palestine and Syria most of the minters, dyers, tanners, and money-changers were Jews (ib. p. 183). The later complaints about the burdensomeness of the taxes were evidently not unwarranted; for, according to Al-Mukaddasi, the tax on Palestine was 259,000 dinars (ib. p. 189). The Persian traveler Nasir i-Khusrau (1047) says that both Christians and Jews came up to Jerusalem to visit the church and the synagogue there (Guy le Strange, "Palestine under the Moslems," p. 88). According to the Ahimaaz Chronicle (Neubauer, "M. J. C." ii. 128, 25), Paltiel, the vizier of Al-Mu'izz in the second half of the tenth century, presented, among other gifts, 1,000 dinars to the (l.c. 128, 25), otherwise called the (ib. 130, 13). These are the usual designations for the Karaites in Jerusalem ("R.E.J." xxxii. 149; "Monatsschrift," xl. 535).
The Karaite Sahl b. MazliaH of the eleventh century gives a picture of the Jerusalem of his day. There were very few Jews there to bewail her fate, and Sahl begs his fellow Jews wherever they may be to return to the city. He speaks of the wailing women who lamented the city's state in Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic; especially on the Mount of Olives in the months of Tammuz and Ab. Zion, he says, is in the hands of Esau; Jerusalem, in the hands of the Arabs (Harkavy, "Meassef NiddaHim," No. 13, in "Ha-Meliz," 1879, No. 31, p. 639, and inBerliner's "Magazin," 1878, p. 181). There seems to be some support even for the view that there were German Jews in Jerusalem at this time. The story is told, on the authority of Elijah Ba'al Shem of Chelm, that a young man named Dolberger was saved by a Jew in Palestine who knew German, and that out of gratitude one of his family who was among the Crusaders saved some of the Jews in Palestine and carried them to Worms ("Seder ha-Dorot," ed. 1878, p. 252). In the second half of the eleventh century halakic questions were sent from Germany to Jerusalem (Epstein, in "Monatsschrift," xlvii. 344).
Jerusalem
After the conquest of Jerusalem by the Arabs the city soon took on a Mohammedan aspect. In 688 the calif 'Abd al-Malik built the Dome of the Rock; in 728 the cupola over the Akṣa mosque was erected, the same being restored in 758-775 by Al-Mahdi. In 831 Al-Ma'mun restored the Dome of the Rock and built the octagonal wall. In 1016 the Dome was partly destroyed by earthquakes; but it was repaired in 1022. The chief Arabic histories of Jerusalem are those by Al-Makdisi, "Mutir al-Ghanam" ("J. R. A. S." xix. 297); Al-Suyuti, "ItHaf al-AHissa" (1470, p. 258); and Mujir al-Din al-'Ulaimi, "Ins al-Jalil" (1496), ed. Cairo, 1866 (partly translated in H. Sauvaire, "Histoire de Jerusalem," Paris, 1876). Mujir al-Din relates that when 'Abd al-Malik built the Dome, he employed ten Jewish families, who were freed from all taxes. They increased so quickly in number that they were removed by the calif Omar (c. 717). He relates further: "And among the servants of the sanctuary, too, was another company of Jews, who made the glass plates for the lamps and the glass lantern-bowls and glass vessels and rods. No poll-tax was demanded of them, nor from those that made wicks for the lamps." Another tradition, reported by a number of Arabic writers, says that the original position of the Temple was pointed out to Omar by the apostate Ka'b ("Z. D. P. V." xiii. 9 et seq.). This tradition is referred to also in an anonymous Hebrew letter ("Ozar tob," 79, 13) and by Isaac Helo (1333), who says that the place was pointed out by an old Jew to the Mohammedan conqueror on condition that he preserve the western wall (Carmoly, "Itinéraires de la Terre Sainte," p. 237). Bar Hebræus ("Chronicum Syriacum," p. 108) asserts that it was specially stipulated between Omar and Sophronius, the patriarch of Jerusalem, that the Jews should not live in the city—a statement which can not be verified.
The geographer Al-Mukaddasi, writing in 985, does not speak highly of Jerusalem; he complains that the Christians and the Jews "have the upper hand" (ed. De Goeje, p. 167). He adds that in Palestine and Syria most of the minters, dyers, tanners, and money-changers were Jews (ib. p. 183). The later complaints about the burdensomeness of the taxes were evidently not unwarranted; for, according to Al-Mukaddasi, the tax on Palestine was 259,000 dinars (ib. p. 189). The Persian traveler Nasir i-Khusrau (1047) says that both Christians and Jews came up to Jerusalem to visit the church and the synagogue there (Guy le Strange, "Palestine under the Moslems," p. 88). According to the Ahimaaz Chronicle (Neubauer, "M. J. C." ii. 128, 25), Paltiel, the vizier of Al-Mu'izz in the second half of the tenth century, presented, among other gifts, 1,000 dinars to the (l.c. 128, 25), otherwise called the (ib. 130, 13). These are the usual designations for the Karaites in Jerusalem ("R.E.J." xxxii. 149; "Monatsschrift," xl. 535).
The Karaite Sahl b. MazliaH of the eleventh century gives a picture of the Jerusalem of his day. There were very few Jews there to bewail her fate, and Sahl begs his fellow Jews wherever they may be to return to the city. He speaks of the wailing women who lamented the city's state in Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic; especially on the Mount of Olives in the months of Tammuz and Ab. Zion, he says, is in the hands of Esau; Jerusalem, in the hands of the Arabs (Harkavy, "Meassef NiddaHim," No. 13, in "Ha-Meliz," 1879, No. 31, p. 639, and inBerliner's "Magazin," 1878, p. 181). There seems to be some support even for the view that there were German Jews in Jerusalem at this time. The story is told, on the authority of Elijah Ba'al Shem of Chelm, that a young man named Dolberger was saved by a Jew in Palestine who knew German, and that out of gratitude one of his family who was among the Crusaders saved some of the Jews in Palestine and carried them to Worms ("Seder ha-Dorot," ed. 1878, p. 252). In the second half of the eleventh century halakic questions were sent from Germany to Jerusalem (Epstein, in "Monatsschrift," xlvii. 344).
Jerusalem
During the Crusades
During the Crusades.
It is said that Harun al-Rashid sent the keys of Jerusalem to Charlemagne, and that under Harun various Christian buildings were erected. In 969 Mu'izz al-Din of Egypt took the city; and under Hakim (1010) certain buildings were destroyed, which were restored in 1048 by the patriarch Nicephorus. In 1077 the Seljuk Turks, under Isar al-Atsis, drove the Egyptian garrison out of Jerusalem, and 3,000 of the inhabitants of the city were slain. During the First Crusade (1098) the Turks were expelled by Egyptians after a siege lasting forty days. The walls were rebuilt, and the city was taken by the Crusaders July 15, 1099. The latter built extensively and repaired the walls in 1177. The Franks were defeated in Jerusalem in 1187 by Saladin, who is said to have invited the Jews to return to Palestine. The Haram area was reconverted into a mosque, the Dome rebuilt, and in 1192 the city walls were repaired. There are very few notices of the Jews in the city during all this time. Abraham b. Hiyya says that in his day (1136) it contained no Jew ("Monatsschrift," xlvii. 450). Yet there must have been some there, as the street in which they lived is called "Judairia" in Latin documents of the times ("Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani," ed. Röhricht, p. 109). A Petrus Judæus is mentioned as swearing allegiance to Baldwin III. on Feb. 11, 1056; and the same name occurs in a document of 1160 (ib. pp. 77, 78, 89, 95). That a yeshibah existed or was reinstituted during the first half of the tenth century is proved by the title "Rosh ha-Yeshibah" given to Ben Meïr, perhaps by Saadia himself (Schechter, "Saadyana," p. 18, lines 11, 17). He seems, also, to have had about him both a large and a small Sanhedrin ("R. E. J." xliv. 239; "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." vii. 147).
It was in the first half of the eleventh century that the attempt was made to revive the gaonate in Palestine. The yeshibah in Jerusalem is mentioned in the year 1031 (see also Schechter, "Saadyana," p. 18, 1. 10 [comp. "J. Q. R." xv. 96]); and in 1046 Solomon b. Judah was at its head; but upon the coming of the Seljuks it was removed to Tyre (see Jew. Encyc. v. 572a, s.v. Gaon).
A letter from Jerusalem dated 1188 seems to relate to the dire straits of the Jews, perhaps after Saladin had recaptured the city, to which event a certain passage in the letter ("Ozar tob," p. 79, 12) may refer. It is partially an alphabetic acrostic, and was given to R. Jonah b. Judah the Sephardi, who was sent out to collect money. He mentions the yeshibah, which at his time had practically ceased to exist. The Jews, though very few in number, were bound to pay the same tax which was originally laid upon them (see Berliner's "Magazin," iii. 217, iv. 233; "Ozar tob," p. 77). A fragmentary letter, referring probably to the same time, is published in Luncz, l.c. v. 67. A letter of 1137 mentions not only the assembling of the Jews in their synagogue ("Midrash Me'at"), but also their gathering together with Jews from other places on the Mount of Olives on the festivals of Sukkot and Hosha'na Rabbah, a custom otherwise attested (see Schechter, l.c. 22, 5; according to 21, 12, the dates of the festivals were promulgated on the Mount of Olives; "Sefer ha-Hasidim," p. 169, §, 630; "R. E. J." xlii. 181; Luncz, l.c. i. 65). Abraham ibn Daud (Neubauer, "M. J. C." i. 79, 7) also mentions the custom, but adds that the "Minim" (Karaites) were in tents opposite the other Jews.
Jerusalem
It is said that Harun al-Rashid sent the keys of Jerusalem to Charlemagne, and that under Harun various Christian buildings were erected. In 969 Mu'izz al-Din of Egypt took the city; and under Hakim (1010) certain buildings were destroyed, which were restored in 1048 by the patriarch Nicephorus. In 1077 the Seljuk Turks, under Isar al-Atsis, drove the Egyptian garrison out of Jerusalem, and 3,000 of the inhabitants of the city were slain. During the First Crusade (1098) the Turks were expelled by Egyptians after a siege lasting forty days. The walls were rebuilt, and the city was taken by the Crusaders July 15, 1099. The latter built extensively and repaired the walls in 1177. The Franks were defeated in Jerusalem in 1187 by Saladin, who is said to have invited the Jews to return to Palestine. The Haram area was reconverted into a mosque, the Dome rebuilt, and in 1192 the city walls were repaired. There are very few notices of the Jews in the city during all this time. Abraham b. Hiyya says that in his day (1136) it contained no Jew ("Monatsschrift," xlvii. 450). Yet there must have been some there, as the street in which they lived is called "Judairia" in Latin documents of the times ("Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani," ed. Röhricht, p. 109). A Petrus Judæus is mentioned as swearing allegiance to Baldwin III. on Feb. 11, 1056; and the same name occurs in a document of 1160 (ib. pp. 77, 78, 89, 95). That a yeshibah existed or was reinstituted during the first half of the tenth century is proved by the title "Rosh ha-Yeshibah" given to Ben Meïr, perhaps by Saadia himself (Schechter, "Saadyana," p. 18, lines 11, 17). He seems, also, to have had about him both a large and a small Sanhedrin ("R. E. J." xliv. 239; "Zeit. für Hebr. Bibl." vii. 147).
It was in the first half of the eleventh century that the attempt was made to revive the gaonate in Palestine. The yeshibah in Jerusalem is mentioned in the year 1031 (see also Schechter, "Saadyana," p. 18, 1. 10 [comp. "J. Q. R." xv. 96]); and in 1046 Solomon b. Judah was at its head; but upon the coming of the Seljuks it was removed to Tyre (see Jew. Encyc. v. 572a, s.v. Gaon).
A letter from Jerusalem dated 1188 seems to relate to the dire straits of the Jews, perhaps after Saladin had recaptured the city, to which event a certain passage in the letter ("Ozar tob," p. 79, 12) may refer. It is partially an alphabetic acrostic, and was given to R. Jonah b. Judah the Sephardi, who was sent out to collect money. He mentions the yeshibah, which at his time had practically ceased to exist. The Jews, though very few in number, were bound to pay the same tax which was originally laid upon them (see Berliner's "Magazin," iii. 217, iv. 233; "Ozar tob," p. 77). A fragmentary letter, referring probably to the same time, is published in Luncz, l.c. v. 67. A letter of 1137 mentions not only the assembling of the Jews in their synagogue ("Midrash Me'at"), but also their gathering together with Jews from other places on the Mount of Olives on the festivals of Sukkot and Hosha'na Rabbah, a custom otherwise attested (see Schechter, l.c. 22, 5; according to 21, 12, the dates of the festivals were promulgated on the Mount of Olives; "Sefer ha-Hasidim," p. 169, §, 630; "R. E. J." xlii. 181; Luncz, l.c. i. 65). Abraham ibn Daud (Neubauer, "M. J. C." i. 79, 7) also mentions the custom, but adds that the "Minim" (Karaites) were in tents opposite the other Jews.
Jerusalem
Medieval Jewish Visitors
Medieval Jewish Visitors.
About the year 1140, Judah ha-Levi visited Jerusalem and was inspired, as legend says, to compose his "Zionide" before its walls. In 1173 Benjamin of Tudela visited Jerusalem. He describes it as a small city full of Jacobites, Armenians, Greeks, and Georgians. Two hundred Jews dwelt in a corner of the city under the Tower of David. He mentions especially the two buildings of the Hospitalers and of the Templars; the four gates of Abraham (Khalil), David, Zion, and "Gushpat" (Jehoshaphat); the Gate of Mercy; the house and stable of Solomon; the Pillar of Absalom; and the grave of Uzziah. In front of Jerusalem is Mt. Zion, upon which there is only a Christian church, and where are the graves of the princes of the house of David ("P. E. F. S." 1894, p. 294). It is curious that Pethahiah of Regensburg (p. 11) mentions only one Jew in Jerusalem, a certain R. Abraham the dyer, who had to pay a heavy tax for permission to remain (ed. Benisch, p. 60). Pethahiah recalls (p. 64) the tradition connected with the Gate of Mercy; namely, that it could not be opened until the Shekinah returned to the gate by means of which it had left the city. Though often spoken of as one, this was really two gates in the eastern wall of the Temple enclosure (now called the "Golden Gate")—the Gate of Repentance and the Gate of Mercy, the first of which was for happy people, the second for the unhappy (see "Ozar tob," p. 35; Carmoly, l.c. pp. 237, 239, 458; Gurland, "Ginze Yisrael," pp. 13, 39, 49; "ShibHe Yerush." p. 19b; Luncz, l.c. v. 242; "LuaH Erez Yisrael," vii. 95, 106; ix. 8). The later Arabs had the same designations for these gates ("Z. D. P. V." vii. 163; Guy le Strange, l.c. pp. 161, 177, 184), and many tales are told in Jewish writings of the futile attempts of the Arabs to open them (see, e.g., Gurland, l.c. p. 39; "Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, pp. 27, 47; Obadiah of Bertinoro, ed. Neubauer, p. 65; and Jehudah, in Luncz, l.c. v. 240 et seq.). Reference to a gate separating the blessed from the damned is made in the Koran, sura lvii. 13.
In 1210 a certain Samuel b. Simon made a pilgrimage to Palestine as the forerunner (Berliner's "Magazin," iii. 158) of the 300 and more rabbis from the south of England and from France who went to the Holy Land in 1211 ("Shebet Yehudah," p. 113). His account has been published in "Ozar tob," p. 35;transl. in Carmoly, l.c. p. 127. He mentions the custom of praying on Sabbaths on the Mount of Olives. In 1218 Al-Harizi visited Jerusalem and saw the English and French rabbis mentioned above. Among them were Samuel b. Simon, Joseph b. Baruch, his brother R. Meïr, and Samson b. Abraham. According to Grätz ("Gesch." vi. 404), this migration was the consequence of the Albigensian persecutions. Al-Harizi speaks of the Jews coming to Jerusalem in large numbers; but he bewails the spirit of discord he found there (see "TaHkemoni," ch. xxvii., xxviii., xlvi., and xlvii.; and M. Schwab in "Archives de l'Orient Latin," 1881, pp. 231 et seq.). In 1219 the walls of the city were taken down by order of the Sultan of Damascus; in 1229 by treaty with Egypt Jerusalem came into the hands of Frederick II. of Germany. In 1239 he began to rebuild the walls; but they were again demolished by Da'ud, the emir of Kerak.
In 1243 Jerusalem came again into the power of the Christians, and the walls were repaired. The Kharezmian Tatars took the city in 1244; and they in turn were driven out by the Egyptians in 1247. In 1260 the Tatars under Hulaku Khan overran the whole land, and the Jews that were in Jerusalem had to flee to the neighboring villages.
Jerusalem
About the year 1140, Judah ha-Levi visited Jerusalem and was inspired, as legend says, to compose his "Zionide" before its walls. In 1173 Benjamin of Tudela visited Jerusalem. He describes it as a small city full of Jacobites, Armenians, Greeks, and Georgians. Two hundred Jews dwelt in a corner of the city under the Tower of David. He mentions especially the two buildings of the Hospitalers and of the Templars; the four gates of Abraham (Khalil), David, Zion, and "Gushpat" (Jehoshaphat); the Gate of Mercy; the house and stable of Solomon; the Pillar of Absalom; and the grave of Uzziah. In front of Jerusalem is Mt. Zion, upon which there is only a Christian church, and where are the graves of the princes of the house of David ("P. E. F. S." 1894, p. 294). It is curious that Pethahiah of Regensburg (p. 11) mentions only one Jew in Jerusalem, a certain R. Abraham the dyer, who had to pay a heavy tax for permission to remain (ed. Benisch, p. 60). Pethahiah recalls (p. 64) the tradition connected with the Gate of Mercy; namely, that it could not be opened until the Shekinah returned to the gate by means of which it had left the city. Though often spoken of as one, this was really two gates in the eastern wall of the Temple enclosure (now called the "Golden Gate")—the Gate of Repentance and the Gate of Mercy, the first of which was for happy people, the second for the unhappy (see "Ozar tob," p. 35; Carmoly, l.c. pp. 237, 239, 458; Gurland, "Ginze Yisrael," pp. 13, 39, 49; "ShibHe Yerush." p. 19b; Luncz, l.c. v. 242; "LuaH Erez Yisrael," vii. 95, 106; ix. 8). The later Arabs had the same designations for these gates ("Z. D. P. V." vii. 163; Guy le Strange, l.c. pp. 161, 177, 184), and many tales are told in Jewish writings of the futile attempts of the Arabs to open them (see, e.g., Gurland, l.c. p. 39; "Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, pp. 27, 47; Obadiah of Bertinoro, ed. Neubauer, p. 65; and Jehudah, in Luncz, l.c. v. 240 et seq.). Reference to a gate separating the blessed from the damned is made in the Koran, sura lvii. 13.
In 1210 a certain Samuel b. Simon made a pilgrimage to Palestine as the forerunner (Berliner's "Magazin," iii. 158) of the 300 and more rabbis from the south of England and from France who went to the Holy Land in 1211 ("Shebet Yehudah," p. 113). His account has been published in "Ozar tob," p. 35;transl. in Carmoly, l.c. p. 127. He mentions the custom of praying on Sabbaths on the Mount of Olives. In 1218 Al-Harizi visited Jerusalem and saw the English and French rabbis mentioned above. Among them were Samuel b. Simon, Joseph b. Baruch, his brother R. Meïr, and Samson b. Abraham. According to Grätz ("Gesch." vi. 404), this migration was the consequence of the Albigensian persecutions. Al-Harizi speaks of the Jews coming to Jerusalem in large numbers; but he bewails the spirit of discord he found there (see "TaHkemoni," ch. xxvii., xxviii., xlvi., and xlvii.; and M. Schwab in "Archives de l'Orient Latin," 1881, pp. 231 et seq.). In 1219 the walls of the city were taken down by order of the Sultan of Damascus; in 1229 by treaty with Egypt Jerusalem came into the hands of Frederick II. of Germany. In 1239 he began to rebuild the walls; but they were again demolished by Da'ud, the emir of Kerak.
In 1243 Jerusalem came again into the power of the Christians, and the walls were repaired. The Kharezmian Tatars took the city in 1244; and they in turn were driven out by the Egyptians in 1247. In 1260 the Tatars under Hulaku Khan overran the whole land, and the Jews that were in Jerusalem had to flee to the neighboring villages.
Jerusalem
Nahmanides in Jerusalem
NaHmanides in Jerusalem.
On Aug. 12, 1267, NaHmanides visited Jerusalem. He found there only two Jews, brothers, who were dyers, and who on Sabbath and at festivals gathered Jews from the neighboring villages (see his letter to his son in "Sha'ar ha-Gemul"). He reorganized the community, and on New-Year's Day, 1268, service was held in a new synagogue, later called , in a court to the right of the present synagogue. It was near the Zion Gate, which led down to the traditional graves of the kings of Judah ("YiHus ha-Abot," in Carmoly, l.c. p. 440), and seems to have been called "Midrash ha-Ramban" (Conforte, "kore ha-Dorot," p. 19a). Palestine at this time was under Egyptian rule. This rule was clement and the congregation grew. NaHmanides also founded a yeshibah and planted in Jerusalem the study of the Cabala. Pupils came to him from all parts of the Diaspora, among the most famous being the commentator and lexicographer R. TanHum, who may, however, have been there even before NaHmanides, as he was perhaps an eye-witness of the Tatar raids (see Bacher, "Aus dem Wörterbuch des TanHum," 1903, p. 11). NaHmanides died in 1270, and the yeshibah lost its attraction.
In the year 1322 Estori FarHi was in Jerusalem; and his "Kaftor wa-FeraH" (ch. vi.) gives an archeological description of the city (Eng. transl. in "Itinerary" of Benjamin of Tudela, ii. 393; German, in Zunz, "G. S." ii. 268). According to FarHi, Jerusalem was three parasangs long. He mentions the entrance to the Cave of Hezekiah (B. k. 16b), within the walls of Jerusalem to the north; the tent erected by David for the Ark, which was supposed to be still in a place called "David's Temple," south of Mt. Moriah (comp. "YiHus ha-Abot," p. 25); northwest of this was a place near which were a synagogue and the Jewish quarter (see David b. Zimrah, Responsa, No. 633). The city of Jerusalem is, according to him, higher than Mt. Moriah, and of course higher than the above-mentioned synagogue. A further description of the city is obtained from a letter written by Isaac Helo of Aragon in the year 1333 (Luncz, l.c. v. 55). He describes the community as a large one, most of its members having come from France (probably referring to the rabbis mentioned above); they lived at peace and in seeming tranquillity. Many were dyers, clothiers, and shoemakers; others were engaged in commerce and shopkeeping. A few were busy with medicine, astronomy, and mathematics; but most of them were students of the Law and were nourished by the community. It was an old institution that the Talmudic scholars should be exempt from all taxes except the poll-tax. This was reenforced by Isaac Cohen Sholal, and is mentioned in 1535 by Moses de Rossi ("J. Q. R." ix. 498, 23). Isaac Helo describes four gates of the city: Ha-RaHamim to the east, leading to the Mount of Olives, where the Jewish cemetery is; David's Gate, leading to the Valley of Rephaim on the west; the Gate of Abraham to the north, leading to the tombs of the kings and to the cavern of Ben Sira, the grandson of Jeremiah; and the Zion Gate to the south, leading to Mt. Zion, the Hinnom Valley, and Siloah. He places David's fortress upon Mt. Zion, but the temple upon Mt. Moriah. He enumerates seven remarkable things in Jerusalem: the Tower of David, where the Jews used to live, but which at his time was only a fortification; the Palace of Solomon, in Christian times a hospital, but at his time a market-place; the tomb of Huldah on the Mount of Olives; the sepulchers of the kings of Judah, the exact location of which was unknown to him; the tombs of the kings; the Palace of Helena, used in his day by the Mohammedan officials; the Gate ha-RaHamim and the western wall of the Temple.
Jerusalem
On Aug. 12, 1267, NaHmanides visited Jerusalem. He found there only two Jews, brothers, who were dyers, and who on Sabbath and at festivals gathered Jews from the neighboring villages (see his letter to his son in "Sha'ar ha-Gemul"). He reorganized the community, and on New-Year's Day, 1268, service was held in a new synagogue, later called , in a court to the right of the present synagogue. It was near the Zion Gate, which led down to the traditional graves of the kings of Judah ("YiHus ha-Abot," in Carmoly, l.c. p. 440), and seems to have been called "Midrash ha-Ramban" (Conforte, "kore ha-Dorot," p. 19a). Palestine at this time was under Egyptian rule. This rule was clement and the congregation grew. NaHmanides also founded a yeshibah and planted in Jerusalem the study of the Cabala. Pupils came to him from all parts of the Diaspora, among the most famous being the commentator and lexicographer R. TanHum, who may, however, have been there even before NaHmanides, as he was perhaps an eye-witness of the Tatar raids (see Bacher, "Aus dem Wörterbuch des TanHum," 1903, p. 11). NaHmanides died in 1270, and the yeshibah lost its attraction.
In the year 1322 Estori FarHi was in Jerusalem; and his "Kaftor wa-FeraH" (ch. vi.) gives an archeological description of the city (Eng. transl. in "Itinerary" of Benjamin of Tudela, ii. 393; German, in Zunz, "G. S." ii. 268). According to FarHi, Jerusalem was three parasangs long. He mentions the entrance to the Cave of Hezekiah (B. k. 16b), within the walls of Jerusalem to the north; the tent erected by David for the Ark, which was supposed to be still in a place called "David's Temple," south of Mt. Moriah (comp. "YiHus ha-Abot," p. 25); northwest of this was a place near which were a synagogue and the Jewish quarter (see David b. Zimrah, Responsa, No. 633). The city of Jerusalem is, according to him, higher than Mt. Moriah, and of course higher than the above-mentioned synagogue. A further description of the city is obtained from a letter written by Isaac Helo of Aragon in the year 1333 (Luncz, l.c. v. 55). He describes the community as a large one, most of its members having come from France (probably referring to the rabbis mentioned above); they lived at peace and in seeming tranquillity. Many were dyers, clothiers, and shoemakers; others were engaged in commerce and shopkeeping. A few were busy with medicine, astronomy, and mathematics; but most of them were students of the Law and were nourished by the community. It was an old institution that the Talmudic scholars should be exempt from all taxes except the poll-tax. This was reenforced by Isaac Cohen Sholal, and is mentioned in 1535 by Moses de Rossi ("J. Q. R." ix. 498, 23). Isaac Helo describes four gates of the city: Ha-RaHamim to the east, leading to the Mount of Olives, where the Jewish cemetery is; David's Gate, leading to the Valley of Rephaim on the west; the Gate of Abraham to the north, leading to the tombs of the kings and to the cavern of Ben Sira, the grandson of Jeremiah; and the Zion Gate to the south, leading to Mt. Zion, the Hinnom Valley, and Siloah. He places David's fortress upon Mt. Zion, but the temple upon Mt. Moriah. He enumerates seven remarkable things in Jerusalem: the Tower of David, where the Jews used to live, but which at his time was only a fortification; the Palace of Solomon, in Christian times a hospital, but at his time a market-place; the tomb of Huldah on the Mount of Olives; the sepulchers of the kings of Judah, the exact location of which was unknown to him; the tombs of the kings; the Palace of Helena, used in his day by the Mohammedan officials; the Gate ha-RaHamim and the western wall of the Temple.
Jerusalem
Ashkenazim and Sephardim
Ashkenazim and Sephardim.
The number of Ashkenazim in Jerusalem grew rapidly, and a certain Isaac ha-Levi (Asir ha-Tikwah) founded a yeshibah for them. R. Samuel Schlettstadt had come from Strasburg (c. 1390), but had returned after a short while. Though the Sephardim formed a separate congregation, all the Jews worshiped in one synagogue. In 1434 the plague broke out in the city and ninety Jews perished. A short while after this the Italian Talmudist, Elijah of Ferrara, came to Jerusalem; and in 1437 he was chosen chief rabbi and head of the bet ha-midrash, his decisions having validity in Syria on the one hand and in Egypt on the other. He seems also to have been a physician (for his letters see Jew. Encyc. v. 131, s.v.). He relates that the Jewish women manufactured silk, which the men then sold.
If Isaac zarfati's letter (Jellinek, "kontres Tatnu," p. 14) belongs to this period (end of the fifteenth century; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 446), it would seem that the report had been spread in Germany that the Jews had bought Mt. Zion, had destroyed the buildings upon it, and had also bought the Holy Sepulcher. For this reason Jews were not allowed on Venetian ships, but had to travel to Jerusalem by the land route (mentioned also by Obadiah of Bertinoro, ed. Neubauer, p. 68). Probably in connection with a similar rumor, the Jews of Calabria were mulcted in a large sum, owing to the vexationscaused by Jerusalem Jews to the Minorite convent on Mount Zion (Jorga, "Notes . . . pour l'Histoire des Croisades," ii. 255, Paris, 1899). The conditions in Jerusalem grew so bad that within six years more than 100 families left the city, among them that of R. Nathan Cohen Sholal. A contributing cause was another famine which in 1441 came upon the city. In addition to this, the Mameluke sultan ka'it Bey (c. 1450) demanded of the Jews 400 ducats a year, besides the 50 ducats which they had to pay to the city authorities for the privilege of making wine. For the collection of this sum, a sort of "vice-nagid" was established in Jerusalem, who together with five others was responsible for the tax. The consequent hardship was so great that the community was forced to sell its books, the holy ornaments, and even the scrolls of the Law (see the letter of the Jerusalem congregation, dated 1456, in "Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, p. 46). The attitude of the Sephardim toward the Ashkenazim in this matter was not calculated to increase the good-will between the communities, the latter feeling that they were being made the scapegoat (see the complaint of Israel Isserlein in "Pesakim," No. 88; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 294). It was at this time that the well-known "takkanah" was laid down "that if a man die without issue his property (with the exception of real estate) shall go to the community unless he shall have made an arrangement with the leaders during his lifetime." As many old people came to Jerusalem, this brought in a considerable sum of money (Moses Hagiz in his "Sefat Emet" says that in his time it was as much as 2,000 francs a year); but it also led to abuses, as the old people were not properly cared for. The decree therefore created much discussion and opposition, and had to be renewed every ten or twenty years. In 1720 it was enforced by a haskamah from the rabbis in Constantinople (Luncz, l.c. v. 121).
Jerusalem
The number of Ashkenazim in Jerusalem grew rapidly, and a certain Isaac ha-Levi (Asir ha-Tikwah) founded a yeshibah for them. R. Samuel Schlettstadt had come from Strasburg (c. 1390), but had returned after a short while. Though the Sephardim formed a separate congregation, all the Jews worshiped in one synagogue. In 1434 the plague broke out in the city and ninety Jews perished. A short while after this the Italian Talmudist, Elijah of Ferrara, came to Jerusalem; and in 1437 he was chosen chief rabbi and head of the bet ha-midrash, his decisions having validity in Syria on the one hand and in Egypt on the other. He seems also to have been a physician (for his letters see Jew. Encyc. v. 131, s.v.). He relates that the Jewish women manufactured silk, which the men then sold.
If Isaac zarfati's letter (Jellinek, "kontres Tatnu," p. 14) belongs to this period (end of the fifteenth century; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 446), it would seem that the report had been spread in Germany that the Jews had bought Mt. Zion, had destroyed the buildings upon it, and had also bought the Holy Sepulcher. For this reason Jews were not allowed on Venetian ships, but had to travel to Jerusalem by the land route (mentioned also by Obadiah of Bertinoro, ed. Neubauer, p. 68). Probably in connection with a similar rumor, the Jews of Calabria were mulcted in a large sum, owing to the vexationscaused by Jerusalem Jews to the Minorite convent on Mount Zion (Jorga, "Notes . . . pour l'Histoire des Croisades," ii. 255, Paris, 1899). The conditions in Jerusalem grew so bad that within six years more than 100 families left the city, among them that of R. Nathan Cohen Sholal. A contributing cause was another famine which in 1441 came upon the city. In addition to this, the Mameluke sultan ka'it Bey (c. 1450) demanded of the Jews 400 ducats a year, besides the 50 ducats which they had to pay to the city authorities for the privilege of making wine. For the collection of this sum, a sort of "vice-nagid" was established in Jerusalem, who together with five others was responsible for the tax. The consequent hardship was so great that the community was forced to sell its books, the holy ornaments, and even the scrolls of the Law (see the letter of the Jerusalem congregation, dated 1456, in "Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, p. 46). The attitude of the Sephardim toward the Ashkenazim in this matter was not calculated to increase the good-will between the communities, the latter feeling that they were being made the scapegoat (see the complaint of Israel Isserlein in "Pesakim," No. 88; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 294). It was at this time that the well-known "takkanah" was laid down "that if a man die without issue his property (with the exception of real estate) shall go to the community unless he shall have made an arrangement with the leaders during his lifetime." As many old people came to Jerusalem, this brought in a considerable sum of money (Moses Hagiz in his "Sefat Emet" says that in his time it was as much as 2,000 francs a year); but it also led to abuses, as the old people were not properly cared for. The decree therefore created much discussion and opposition, and had to be renewed every ten or twenty years. In 1720 it was enforced by a haskamah from the rabbis in Constantinople (Luncz, l.c. v. 121).
Jerusalem
Meshullam of Volterra
Meshullam of Volterra.
In 1481 Meshullam of Volterra visited the city (see his letter in Luncz, l.c. i. 202). He found there 10,000 Mohammedan and about 250 Jewish families (Brüll's "Jahrb." vii. 123). The Gate ha-RaHamim, he says, is 4 cubits above the earth and 2 cubits below; and he solemnly records that on every Ninth of Ab, when the Jews go to pray near where the Temple was situated, the lights go out of their own accord. Of the twelve gates in the Temple area, five were closed: the two Ha-RaHamim mentioned above and three others which had been built up by the Moslems, but the traces of which could still be seen. He speaks of the buildings in Jerusalem as large and beautiful; and it is interesting to note that he gives the name "Mt. Zion" to the hill on which the Temple stood (pp. 202, 207). He mentions as parnas R. Joseph de Montaña Ashkenazi, and as vice-parnas R. Jacob b. Moses. The chief rabbi was R. Shalom Ashkenazi. It seems probable that the custom of regularly sending out "sheliHim" commenced at this time. The first of them seems to have been R. Moses Twenty-four (). The two letters of Obadiah of Bertinoro, dated respectively 1488 and 1489 (ed. Neubauer, Leipsic, 1863), give an interesting picture of the Jerusalem Jews at this time. Among the 4,000 inhabitants he found seventy Jewish families, all in poor circumstances, and in the ratio of seven women to one man. The community was in debt to the extent of 1,000 gold pieces. Even the ornaments on the scrolls of the Law had been sold. Jews lived not only in the Jews' street, but also on Zion. He was especially interested in the Ashkenazic Jews, to whom all the houses around the synagogue belonged.
Jerusalem
In 1481 Meshullam of Volterra visited the city (see his letter in Luncz, l.c. i. 202). He found there 10,000 Mohammedan and about 250 Jewish families (Brüll's "Jahrb." vii. 123). The Gate ha-RaHamim, he says, is 4 cubits above the earth and 2 cubits below; and he solemnly records that on every Ninth of Ab, when the Jews go to pray near where the Temple was situated, the lights go out of their own accord. Of the twelve gates in the Temple area, five were closed: the two Ha-RaHamim mentioned above and three others which had been built up by the Moslems, but the traces of which could still be seen. He speaks of the buildings in Jerusalem as large and beautiful; and it is interesting to note that he gives the name "Mt. Zion" to the hill on which the Temple stood (pp. 202, 207). He mentions as parnas R. Joseph de Montaña Ashkenazi, and as vice-parnas R. Jacob b. Moses. The chief rabbi was R. Shalom Ashkenazi. It seems probable that the custom of regularly sending out "sheliHim" commenced at this time. The first of them seems to have been R. Moses Twenty-four (). The two letters of Obadiah of Bertinoro, dated respectively 1488 and 1489 (ed. Neubauer, Leipsic, 1863), give an interesting picture of the Jerusalem Jews at this time. Among the 4,000 inhabitants he found seventy Jewish families, all in poor circumstances, and in the ratio of seven women to one man. The community was in debt to the extent of 1,000 gold pieces. Even the ornaments on the scrolls of the Law had been sold. Jews lived not only in the Jews' street, but also on Zion. He was especially interested in the Ashkenazic Jews, to whom all the houses around the synagogue belonged.
Jerusalem
Effect of Expulsion from Spain
Effect of Expulsion from Spain.
The expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal in 1492 sent large numbers of Jews to the East. In a few years 130 families were added to those already in Jerusalem, and the community numbered 1,500 souls. The anonymous writer who came to Bertinoro in Jerusalem in 1495 (Neubauer, "Zwei Briefe Obadjahs," pp. 80 et seq.) could hardly find a dwelling-place in the city. With the exception of the goldsmiths, it was difficult for workmen to make a living. The Jews had to pay a poll-tax of 1½ ducats. Near the Jews' quarter there was a gate of which they had the key. The houses were made of stone and brick, no wood being used; they contained five or six rooms each. He mentions the Midrash of King Solomon (i.e., the Akṣa Mosque), near the synagogue, and states that the Jews were not allowed to enter it. This midrash is also mentioned by Isaac b. Meïr Latif (see his letter in "Ozar tob," p. 33). He says that Jerusalem was twice the size of Ancona, and that it took him six hours to make the tour of the city. He found the Jews living on good terms with the Moslems, which had not always been the case, at least as regards the Ulemas. A significant example of their fanaticism is given in connection with the synagogue of NaHmanides. It is said that a woman out of spite had sold a piece of property near the synagogue to the Mohammedans, who had built there a mosque and who desired to make a street leading directly to it. The Moslems wished to buy a courtyard for this purpose, but the Jews refused to sell. The rain had washed away part of the wall and disclosed a door in this courtyard west of the mosque. The matter was carried before the sultan in Egypt. It was held that the synagogue was a new one and that therefore, according to the Pact of Omar, it had no right to exist. It was closed for a time, and though the Jews paid a large sum of money, it was pulled down by the fanatical religious leaders. The case was again brought before the sultan; the ringleaders were punished; and the synagogue was eventually rebuilt (1478; see the account by Mujir al Din in Luncz, l.c. iii, 72; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 295; Obadiah of Bertinoro, p. 60; Kolon, Responsa, No. 5; Schwarz, "Tebu'ot ha-Arez," ed. Luncz, 1900, p. 465).
The exiles from Spain commenced to form a new congregation ('Adat Sefardim), which caused the Ashkenazim to form one also; the North Africans instituted a third ('Adat ha-Ma'arabim); and the old inhabitants were thus left to themselves ('Adat ha-Moriskos or Musta'ribim). These communities, however, still seem to have used one and the same synagogue. In course of time the Arabic-speaking Jews drew together again and joined the Sephar dim, the result being the establishment of two mainclasses, the Ashkenazim and the Sephardim. The first set of takkanot for the community seems to have been laid down by the nagid of Egypt, Isaac Cohen Sholal, in 1509, and accepted by tHe Jerusalem yeshibah. In 1517 a further series of takkanot was drawn up, approved by the nagid, engraved on a plate, and affixed to the wall of the synagogue.
Jerusalem
The expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal in 1492 sent large numbers of Jews to the East. In a few years 130 families were added to those already in Jerusalem, and the community numbered 1,500 souls. The anonymous writer who came to Bertinoro in Jerusalem in 1495 (Neubauer, "Zwei Briefe Obadjahs," pp. 80 et seq.) could hardly find a dwelling-place in the city. With the exception of the goldsmiths, it was difficult for workmen to make a living. The Jews had to pay a poll-tax of 1½ ducats. Near the Jews' quarter there was a gate of which they had the key. The houses were made of stone and brick, no wood being used; they contained five or six rooms each. He mentions the Midrash of King Solomon (i.e., the Akṣa Mosque), near the synagogue, and states that the Jews were not allowed to enter it. This midrash is also mentioned by Isaac b. Meïr Latif (see his letter in "Ozar tob," p. 33). He says that Jerusalem was twice the size of Ancona, and that it took him six hours to make the tour of the city. He found the Jews living on good terms with the Moslems, which had not always been the case, at least as regards the Ulemas. A significant example of their fanaticism is given in connection with the synagogue of NaHmanides. It is said that a woman out of spite had sold a piece of property near the synagogue to the Mohammedans, who had built there a mosque and who desired to make a street leading directly to it. The Moslems wished to buy a courtyard for this purpose, but the Jews refused to sell. The rain had washed away part of the wall and disclosed a door in this courtyard west of the mosque. The matter was carried before the sultan in Egypt. It was held that the synagogue was a new one and that therefore, according to the Pact of Omar, it had no right to exist. It was closed for a time, and though the Jews paid a large sum of money, it was pulled down by the fanatical religious leaders. The case was again brought before the sultan; the ringleaders were punished; and the synagogue was eventually rebuilt (1478; see the account by Mujir al Din in Luncz, l.c. iii, 72; Grätz, "Gesch." viii. 295; Obadiah of Bertinoro, p. 60; Kolon, Responsa, No. 5; Schwarz, "Tebu'ot ha-Arez," ed. Luncz, 1900, p. 465).
The exiles from Spain commenced to form a new congregation ('Adat Sefardim), which caused the Ashkenazim to form one also; the North Africans instituted a third ('Adat ha-Ma'arabim); and the old inhabitants were thus left to themselves ('Adat ha-Moriskos or Musta'ribim). These communities, however, still seem to have used one and the same synagogue. In course of time the Arabic-speaking Jews drew together again and joined the Sephar dim, the result being the establishment of two mainclasses, the Ashkenazim and the Sephardim. The first set of takkanot for the community seems to have been laid down by the nagid of Egypt, Isaac Cohen Sholal, in 1509, and accepted by tHe Jerusalem yeshibah. In 1517 a further series of takkanot was drawn up, approved by the nagid, engraved on a plate, and affixed to the wall of the synagogue.
Jerusalem
Takkanot
Takkanot.
In the same year the Ottoman Turks captured Syria. Salim I. abolished the office of nagid in Egypt; and Sholal came to Jerusalem. The latter did much good in the city, spending his own money and founding two new yeshibot, so that many scholars flocked thither from other parts of Palestine. He also laid down some further takkanot; namely, that a Jew should not cite a fellow Jew before a Mohammedan court, unless he had previously cited him three times before a bet din; that no unseemly drinking should take place at the tomb of Samuel the prophet; and that disputes should not be held in the synagogue. He seems to have commenced to regulate the Halukkah and to have instituted vigils ("mishmarot"), for which in 1521 he drew up special rules. It is said that on the first day of these vigils there was a heavy rainfall, and lightning damaged the dome of the Great Mosque (see letter of the Jerusalem rabbis, published by Neubauer in "Ha-Lebanon," 1868, v. 26).
Jerusalem
In the same year the Ottoman Turks captured Syria. Salim I. abolished the office of nagid in Egypt; and Sholal came to Jerusalem. The latter did much good in the city, spending his own money and founding two new yeshibot, so that many scholars flocked thither from other parts of Palestine. He also laid down some further takkanot; namely, that a Jew should not cite a fellow Jew before a Mohammedan court, unless he had previously cited him three times before a bet din; that no unseemly drinking should take place at the tomb of Samuel the prophet; and that disputes should not be held in the synagogue. He seems to have commenced to regulate the Halukkah and to have instituted vigils ("mishmarot"), for which in 1521 he drew up special rules. It is said that on the first day of these vigils there was a heavy rainfall, and lightning damaged the dome of the Great Mosque (see letter of the Jerusalem rabbis, published by Neubauer in "Ha-Lebanon," 1868, v. 26).
Jerusalem
Jacob Berab and Ibn Habib
Jacob Berab and Ibn Habib.
In 1527 Sulaiman I. began to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. He also improved the water-supply, bringing water from a distance into three basins near the Haram area. The Tower of David was also restored, the walls being finished in 1542. Sulaiman gave the Jews permission to do whatever work they wished, and the Jewish accounts take cognizance of his action; e.g., the author of the "YiHus ha-Abot" (ed. Hottinger, 1659; ed. Baruch, Leghorn, 1785; transl. Carmoly, l.c. p. 453), who in 1522 came to Jerusalem from Venice. He relates that there were four covered market-places: one for Mohammedans selling wool and flax; a second for Jews selling spices; a third for the sale of vegetables; and a fourth for the sale of fruit. The most beautiful street was that leading from a gate in the Temple area. He himself lived "in the house of Pilate." He refers to the twelve gates of the Haram area, ten of which, he says, were open; and seven gates of the city, of which he mentions only Bab al-Ṣabt, Bab al-'Amud, and Bab al-Kuttan, and three gates on the side of Zion. He gives a description of the NaHmanides Synagogue with its beautiful marble columns. The only window was in the door on the west side, so that lights had to be used even during the daytime. There were 300 Jewish families in the city, among which were more than 500 widows. In addition to Isaac Sholal, he mentions R. David ibn Shoshan, the physician, as head of the Sephardic yeshibah, and a R. Israel as head of the Ashkenazic yeshibah. In 1523 David Reubeni was in Jerusalem for five weeks. He affirms (Neubauer, "M. J. C." ii. 145) that the Moslems showed him the cave below the rock in the Great Mosque. He speaks of two hills; one being Zion, where David was buried, and the other, Jerusalem. The same year a severe drought afflicted the city so that many fled; among them the nagid, who died in 1525. He was followed as head of the community by Levi ibn Habib, who was active in promoting harmony among the various Jewish parties in the city. A certain disturbance was wrought in 1529 by the coming of Solomon Molko. Many people commenced to fast, awaiting the end of time. His influence, however, was effectually nullified by Ibn Habib. In 1538 Jacob Berab attempted to reestablish the old practise of ordination ("semikah") in Palestine; and although Ibn Habib himself was one of those ordained by him, he resented the ordination, and Berab was obliged to fly to Egypt.
The inhabitants, especially the scholars, had largely increased in number; and though the former were well-to-do because of the many merchants that came from Italy, the scholars languished. Debts were contracted; and some of the houses used for charitable purposes had to be sold. This is especially dwelt on in two letters written by a certain R. Israel to Abraham of Perugia ("Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, p. 26). In his day there were two yeshibot, one of David Shoshan; but the scholars had to leave and seek sustenance elsewhere. Only goldsmiths, silversmiths, weavers, and shoemakers could make a living (ib. pp. 25, 26); the rest of the Jews hawked their wares in the neighboring villages. Most of the learned men were Sephardim; but two German scholars had recently arrived (ib. p. 30, below). Attempts had been made at various times to force the scholars to contribute to taxes other than the poll-tax. In order to prevent this, a takkanah had been laid down in 1509 by the Bene ha-Yeshibah (20 in number); this was renewed toward the end of 1547 and again in 1566 (according to Avila) or 1596 (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl." xvi. 58; "Centralanzeiger für Jüdische Literatur," i. 51).
Ibn Habib died in 1553, and was succeeded by David ibn Abi Zimra. Even he was unable to lighten the burden of the taxes levied by the Turks; and with many others he left the city in 1567 and went to Safed. In addition to Ibn Habib the following prominent men deserve mention: Menahem di Lonsano (1562), Moses Alshakar of Egypt, Aaron b. Hayyim, Simon ha-Levi Innsburg of Frankfort, and Moses Najjarah of Damascus. In 1586 trouble was occasioned by the Moslems: the mufti declared that the synagogue of NaHmanides had previously been a mosque; and it had to be vacated. The Sephardim then built a synagogue, now the K. K. Talmud Torah; the Ashkenazim, one near the closed synagogue, supposed to be the present MenaHem ziyyon. In 1587 additional takkanot were issued, and after seven months had to be reaffirmed. In 1594 and 1599 the community was further depleted by plagues. In addition to the takkanah of 1596, Herem was placed upon all those who should reveal the names of rich scholars to the authorities. Moses Alshech, rabbi in Safed, intervened and secured aid for the Jerusalem Jews from Venice and other places.
For a number of years no further complaints are met with; and in spite of the plague, which reappeared in 1618 (Azulai, "Hesed le-Abraham," Introduction), the Jews prospered. In 1621 Isaiah Horowitz (Sheloh) went to Jerusalem as head of theAshkenazim, who had become very important in the community. Through him assistance came to Jerusalem from the Jews of Prague; but five years later he and others were obliged to flee to Safed on account of the extortions of the pasha. In 1623 an attempt was made to separate the Sephardic from the Ashkenazic Halukkah; but it was vetoed by the authorities, who reissued the takkanah referring to it (Luncz, "Jerusalem," ii. 147). In 1625 Mohammed ibn Farukh became governor of Jerusalem; and he oppressed the people with such onerous taxes that they fled to the rocks and caverns around the city and had hardly sufficient clothing to cover themselves. His brother-in-law Ottoman Agha took Ibn Farukh's place for a short time while the latter went on a pilgrimage. It was Ottoman who imprisoned Horowitz, Isaac Habillo, Moses Cordovero, and others (Luncz, l.c. iii. 38), and demanded heavy ransoms. Ibn Farukh returned and did worse than before. Complaint was made to the authorities in Damascus; and a cadi was sent to watch Ibn Farukh. Even this resulted in no change. Some of the leaders were tortured, e.g., Samuel Tardiulah, Moses Romano, and especially Abraham Ustiral, brother of Isaac Aboab, who had laid the complaint before the vali of Damascus. The cadi of Jerusalem joined in the oppression. He extorted money by threatening to turn one of the synagogues into a mill. In 1627 Ibn Farukh was deposed. He extorted in all 50,000 piasters from the Jews. An account of these persecutions, under the title "Horbot Yerushalayim," was drawn up by the rabbis of Jerusalem, and sent to Venice (printed in 1636; see Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 3547, who has given a German translation in Pascheles, "Sippurim," 1856, iv. 49). A special deputy was sent to Europe to collect funds in aid of the community, the Ashkenazic congregation having been practically broken up by the flight of Horowitz, and the few who were left having joined the Sephardim. A letter was also sent to the Jews of Persia (Luncz, l.c. v. 262) complaining that only 144 Jews were to be allowed to reside in the city as poll-tax for only that number was being paid.
(see image) Plan of Jerusalem, Circa 1600. 1. Jewish Quarter. 2. Bethlehem. 3. Pool of Siloam. 4. Tomb of Rachel. 5. Tomb of the Kings. 6. Palace of Herod. 7. Mosque of Omar. 8. Tomb of Absalom.(From Bernandino Amico, "Trattato della Terra Santa," Florence, 1620.)
A letter written about this time by an unknown traveler from Carpi to his son (ib. v. 74) has been preserved. He found in Jerusalem many members of well-known Italian families, e.g., Moses Finzi, David Moscato, Mattathias Rieti, and Benjamin b. Moses of Orbino. The Jews were compelled to wear the same clothing as the Turks, except that they wore a bonnet resembling a "cappello." The community was deep in debt. Several times it had had to pay a sum of 6,000 piasters. There were two synagogues: a small one for the Ashkenazim, at whose head was Horowitz; another, a large one,for the Sephardim, near to which was a bet ha-midrash. There was also a small Karaite synagogue, the congregation of which numbered 20. He estimated the Jewish population at 2,000 souls. The city had eight gates, the walls having been built 100 years before his time. He describes at length the city and its monuments, especially the western wall where the Jews were allowed to congregate in times of peace. He speaks of the prayers prepared for the visits to this wall—an early reference, since the present prayers were arranged only at the beginning of the nineteenth century, by R. Samuel (author of "MinHat Shemuel") under the title "Sha'are Dim'ah."
Jerusalem
In 1527 Sulaiman I. began to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. He also improved the water-supply, bringing water from a distance into three basins near the Haram area. The Tower of David was also restored, the walls being finished in 1542. Sulaiman gave the Jews permission to do whatever work they wished, and the Jewish accounts take cognizance of his action; e.g., the author of the "YiHus ha-Abot" (ed. Hottinger, 1659; ed. Baruch, Leghorn, 1785; transl. Carmoly, l.c. p. 453), who in 1522 came to Jerusalem from Venice. He relates that there were four covered market-places: one for Mohammedans selling wool and flax; a second for Jews selling spices; a third for the sale of vegetables; and a fourth for the sale of fruit. The most beautiful street was that leading from a gate in the Temple area. He himself lived "in the house of Pilate." He refers to the twelve gates of the Haram area, ten of which, he says, were open; and seven gates of the city, of which he mentions only Bab al-Ṣabt, Bab al-'Amud, and Bab al-Kuttan, and three gates on the side of Zion. He gives a description of the NaHmanides Synagogue with its beautiful marble columns. The only window was in the door on the west side, so that lights had to be used even during the daytime. There were 300 Jewish families in the city, among which were more than 500 widows. In addition to Isaac Sholal, he mentions R. David ibn Shoshan, the physician, as head of the Sephardic yeshibah, and a R. Israel as head of the Ashkenazic yeshibah. In 1523 David Reubeni was in Jerusalem for five weeks. He affirms (Neubauer, "M. J. C." ii. 145) that the Moslems showed him the cave below the rock in the Great Mosque. He speaks of two hills; one being Zion, where David was buried, and the other, Jerusalem. The same year a severe drought afflicted the city so that many fled; among them the nagid, who died in 1525. He was followed as head of the community by Levi ibn Habib, who was active in promoting harmony among the various Jewish parties in the city. A certain disturbance was wrought in 1529 by the coming of Solomon Molko. Many people commenced to fast, awaiting the end of time. His influence, however, was effectually nullified by Ibn Habib. In 1538 Jacob Berab attempted to reestablish the old practise of ordination ("semikah") in Palestine; and although Ibn Habib himself was one of those ordained by him, he resented the ordination, and Berab was obliged to fly to Egypt.
The inhabitants, especially the scholars, had largely increased in number; and though the former were well-to-do because of the many merchants that came from Italy, the scholars languished. Debts were contracted; and some of the houses used for charitable purposes had to be sold. This is especially dwelt on in two letters written by a certain R. Israel to Abraham of Perugia ("Sammelband," Mekize Nirdamim, 1888, p. 26). In his day there were two yeshibot, one of David Shoshan; but the scholars had to leave and seek sustenance elsewhere. Only goldsmiths, silversmiths, weavers, and shoemakers could make a living (ib. pp. 25, 26); the rest of the Jews hawked their wares in the neighboring villages. Most of the learned men were Sephardim; but two German scholars had recently arrived (ib. p. 30, below). Attempts had been made at various times to force the scholars to contribute to taxes other than the poll-tax. In order to prevent this, a takkanah had been laid down in 1509 by the Bene ha-Yeshibah (20 in number); this was renewed toward the end of 1547 and again in 1566 (according to Avila) or 1596 (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl." xvi. 58; "Centralanzeiger für Jüdische Literatur," i. 51).
Ibn Habib died in 1553, and was succeeded by David ibn Abi Zimra. Even he was unable to lighten the burden of the taxes levied by the Turks; and with many others he left the city in 1567 and went to Safed. In addition to Ibn Habib the following prominent men deserve mention: Menahem di Lonsano (1562), Moses Alshakar of Egypt, Aaron b. Hayyim, Simon ha-Levi Innsburg of Frankfort, and Moses Najjarah of Damascus. In 1586 trouble was occasioned by the Moslems: the mufti declared that the synagogue of NaHmanides had previously been a mosque; and it had to be vacated. The Sephardim then built a synagogue, now the K. K. Talmud Torah; the Ashkenazim, one near the closed synagogue, supposed to be the present MenaHem ziyyon. In 1587 additional takkanot were issued, and after seven months had to be reaffirmed. In 1594 and 1599 the community was further depleted by plagues. In addition to the takkanah of 1596, Herem was placed upon all those who should reveal the names of rich scholars to the authorities. Moses Alshech, rabbi in Safed, intervened and secured aid for the Jerusalem Jews from Venice and other places.
For a number of years no further complaints are met with; and in spite of the plague, which reappeared in 1618 (Azulai, "Hesed le-Abraham," Introduction), the Jews prospered. In 1621 Isaiah Horowitz (Sheloh) went to Jerusalem as head of theAshkenazim, who had become very important in the community. Through him assistance came to Jerusalem from the Jews of Prague; but five years later he and others were obliged to flee to Safed on account of the extortions of the pasha. In 1623 an attempt was made to separate the Sephardic from the Ashkenazic Halukkah; but it was vetoed by the authorities, who reissued the takkanah referring to it (Luncz, "Jerusalem," ii. 147). In 1625 Mohammed ibn Farukh became governor of Jerusalem; and he oppressed the people with such onerous taxes that they fled to the rocks and caverns around the city and had hardly sufficient clothing to cover themselves. His brother-in-law Ottoman Agha took Ibn Farukh's place for a short time while the latter went on a pilgrimage. It was Ottoman who imprisoned Horowitz, Isaac Habillo, Moses Cordovero, and others (Luncz, l.c. iii. 38), and demanded heavy ransoms. Ibn Farukh returned and did worse than before. Complaint was made to the authorities in Damascus; and a cadi was sent to watch Ibn Farukh. Even this resulted in no change. Some of the leaders were tortured, e.g., Samuel Tardiulah, Moses Romano, and especially Abraham Ustiral, brother of Isaac Aboab, who had laid the complaint before the vali of Damascus. The cadi of Jerusalem joined in the oppression. He extorted money by threatening to turn one of the synagogues into a mill. In 1627 Ibn Farukh was deposed. He extorted in all 50,000 piasters from the Jews. An account of these persecutions, under the title "Horbot Yerushalayim," was drawn up by the rabbis of Jerusalem, and sent to Venice (printed in 1636; see Steinschneider, "Cat. Bodl." No. 3547, who has given a German translation in Pascheles, "Sippurim," 1856, iv. 49). A special deputy was sent to Europe to collect funds in aid of the community, the Ashkenazic congregation having been practically broken up by the flight of Horowitz, and the few who were left having joined the Sephardim. A letter was also sent to the Jews of Persia (Luncz, l.c. v. 262) complaining that only 144 Jews were to be allowed to reside in the city as poll-tax for only that number was being paid.
(see image) Plan of Jerusalem, Circa 1600. 1. Jewish Quarter. 2. Bethlehem. 3. Pool of Siloam. 4. Tomb of Rachel. 5. Tomb of the Kings. 6. Palace of Herod. 7. Mosque of Omar. 8. Tomb of Absalom.(From Bernandino Amico, "Trattato della Terra Santa," Florence, 1620.)
A letter written about this time by an unknown traveler from Carpi to his son (ib. v. 74) has been preserved. He found in Jerusalem many members of well-known Italian families, e.g., Moses Finzi, David Moscato, Mattathias Rieti, and Benjamin b. Moses of Orbino. The Jews were compelled to wear the same clothing as the Turks, except that they wore a bonnet resembling a "cappello." The community was deep in debt. Several times it had had to pay a sum of 6,000 piasters. There were two synagogues: a small one for the Ashkenazim, at whose head was Horowitz; another, a large one,for the Sephardim, near to which was a bet ha-midrash. There was also a small Karaite synagogue, the congregation of which numbered 20. He estimated the Jewish population at 2,000 souls. The city had eight gates, the walls having been built 100 years before his time. He describes at length the city and its monuments, especially the western wall where the Jews were allowed to congregate in times of peace. He speaks of the prayers prepared for the visits to this wall—an early reference, since the present prayers were arranged only at the beginning of the nineteenth century, by R. Samuel (author of "MinHat Shemuel") under the title "Sha'are Dim'ah."
Jerusalem
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